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Full text of "Early voyages and travels to Russia and Persia by Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the first intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the Caspian Sea. Edited by E. Delmar Morgan and C.H. Coote"

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Reduced to about one-fourth of the size of the original wood engraving in the 
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C. H. CO GTE, 




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514 West nath Street 
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CoLOHXL U. YULE, C.B., Pbssident. 

Majob-Gkwbbal Sib HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., Vick-Peksii.kwt. 



Hbab-Admibai, LINDESAY BRINE. 

E. H. BUNBURY, Esq. 

Thb Eabl of DUCIE, P.R.S. 

Sib barrow ELLIS K.C.S.I. 




Libut -Gbkbbal Sib J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.Q. 

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 

Captaik MARKHAM, R.N. 

Rbab-Abxibal MAYNE, C.B. 

E. DELMAR morgan, Esq. 



Thb Lobd STANLEY of Aldkelky. 

Lieut.-Gbw. Sib HENRY THUILLIER, C.S.I., F.R.S. 

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S., Ho«obabt SjtcBiiTARY. 

"And as touchyng Master Jenkynson, what trauayles, payiies, 
aud dauugers he hath susteyned and hardely escaped, and what 
diligence and art he hath vsed in the searching of strange coun- 
tiyes, and in the description of those his viagies, it were but in 
vayne for me to wryte much vnto you, vuto whom the same is 
better knowen then to me . . ." — Preface to Cortes' Aiie of Ivaui- 
gation, translated by Richard Eden. London, 1561. 





Dear Colonel Yule, 

Let me thank you for the honour you have done 
me in accepting the dedication of this volume. I regret that 
it is unworthy of so worthy a friend and counsellor as you 
have been to me. I am conscious that I have fallen far 
short of the model I had set myself to follow, yet I venture 
to hope that this endeavour to throw some light on the early 
geography of Eussia and the adjacent countries may meet 
with your approval. Some mention will be found in the 
following pages of the early relations between that country 
and England. These are only incidentally touched upon as 
far as they concern Jenkinson and other Englishmen in 
Russia. But even these few reprints of early documents 
may be instructive and interesting at the present day, Avhen 
the two nations, who began their intercourse in so friendly a 
way in the far north, stand face to face in Central Asia 
almost as foes, ready at any moment to engage in a contest 
to which none who wish well to the cause of civilisation and 
progress can look forward without dread. 

I am, dear Colonel Yule, 

Very faithfully yours, 

E. Delmak Mokgan. 


A FEW words of personal explanation are necessary. When 
this work was undertaken, it was a new and difficult task to 
one who had done so little in literature, and who had been 
preceded by such learned geographers as the editors of 
previous volumes of this Society. It was, therefore, with 
much satisfaction that I made the acquaintance of so able a 
coadjutor as Mr. Coote, who consented at my request to 
share the editorial labours. As the work slowly advanced, 
however, he found that his other engagements would not 
allow of his bestowing much time on it, and he finally asked 
to be released altogether from his engagement, particularly 
as differences of opinion on various points connected with 
the notes and editing made themselves felt Unwilling that 
he should be deprived of any credit due to his work, I begged 
him to let his name stand with mine on the title page, while 
I finished the book. The introduction is, therefore, due to 
my pen, and I am responsible for any of its shortcomings. 

I take this opportunity of acknowledging my indebtedness 
to the Marquis of Salisbury, who kindly allowed me to con- 
sult the MSS. in his collection ; and to his secretary, Mr. 
Gunton, who transcribed one of these for me ; to Lord 
Tollemache, for his courtesy in giving me access to the 
Helmingham Hall Library, and for the obliging loan of a 
MS. of Jenkinson's journey to Persia ; to Mr. Nicholson, 
librarian of the Bodleian ; to the late Mr. Bradshaw, librarian 


of the Cambridge University Library, for obtaining transcrip- 
tions of documents ; to Mr. Selby and the officials at the 
Eecord Office, for their obliging help in my searches ; to the 
authorities at the British Museum, for allowing photographs 
to be taken of two maps reproduced in this volume, and to 
the assistants in the Reading Room and Map Department, 
for their readiness at all times to find the books, etc., I 
required; to Mr, Cecil G. S. Foljambe, M.P., for kindly answer- 
ing queries with reference to the Jenkinson family — this 
acknowledgment must be coupled with the expression of 
regret that no connection could be traced between his family 
and that of the traveller, confirmatory of a tradition pre- 
served in the former ; to the Rev. Robert Baillie, rector of 
Sywell, for his kind assistance in searching the registers in 
his church and making inquiries ; to the Rev. Cavendish 
Neely, son of the rector of Ashton ; to the Rev. A. R. Newby, 
rector of Teigh ; to Mr. Lionel Bonar, late secretary of the 
Russia Company; to Mr. John Watney, secretary of the 
Mercers' Company, and others. 


Dedication, Preface, List of Illustrations, Table of Contents 

Introduction - - - - - - i 

Supplementary Notes - - - - - civ 

The manner of the entring of Solyman the Great Turke with his 
armie into Aleppo in Syria . . . noted by Master Anthonie 
lenkinson, present at that time - - - 1 

The safe conduct or priuilege, giuen by Sultan Solyman the 
Great Turke, to Master Anthony lenkinson, at Aleppo in 
Syria, in the yeere 1553 - - - - 6 

Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners to be obserued in 
and about this Fleete, passing this yeere 1557, towards the 
Bay of S. Nicholas in Russia ... - - - 7 

The first voyage made by Master Anthony lenkinson from the 
Citie of London, toward the land of Russia, begonne the 
twelfth day of Maye, in the yeere 1557 - - - 11 

The voyage of M. Anthony lenkinson, made from the citie of 
Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yere 
1558. . . - - - - - 41 

The latitudes of certaine principall places in Russia and other 

Regions ------ 100 

Certaine notes gathered by Richard lohnson (which was at 
Boghar with Master Anthony lenkinson) of the reports of 
Russes and other straungers, of the wayes of Russia to Cathaya 
and of diuers and straunge people - - - 101 

Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vpon 

the riuer Ob, and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same ... - 105 

The relation of Chaggi Memet, a Persia merchant, to Baptista 

Ramusius ... - - - - - 106 

A letter of Master Anthonie lenkinson vpon his returne from 

Boghar . . . written in the Mosco the 18. of September 1559 107 


The Queencs Maiesties letters to the Emperour of Rus-sia, request- 
ing license and safe conduct for Master Anthony lenkin- 
son . . . - - - - - 109 

The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Great Sophie of Persia, sent 

by Master Anthony lenkiuson - - - 112 

A remembrance giuen by vs the Gouernours, Consuls, and Assistants 
of the Companie of Marchants trading into Russia, the eight 
day of May 1561. to our trustie friende Anthonie Jenkin- 
son . . . - - - - - IH 

A compendious and brief e declaration of the iourney of M. Anthonie 
lenkinson from the famous citie of London into the lande of 
Persia . . . Being begunne the foureteenth day of May, Ann. 
1561 ... - - - - - 121 

A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan, King of Hircania, 
to the Companie of English Merchants Aducnturers . . . 
obtained by M. Anthonie lenkinson . . . April 14. Anno 
1563 - - - - - - 157 

Anthony Jenkinson's petition to the Queen - - 159 

Documents relating to Jenkinson's service off the coast of Scotland 

in the Queen's ship the Ayde - - - - 167 

Renewal of petitions by Jenkinson and Sir H. Gilbert relating to 

discovery towards Cathay - - - - 177 

Certaine reasons alledged for the proouing of a passage by the 
Northeast . . . with my seueral answeres then vsed to the 
same ..-..- 180 

Anthony lenkinson, Instructions sent by the merchants aduen- 

turere into Russia to the Emperor there - - 183 

Anthony lenkinson to Sir W. Cecil - - - 186 

A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony 
lenkinson from London to Moscouia .... in the yeere 
1566 - - - - - " - 189 

The way discouered by vs, Thomas Southam and lohn Sparke, 

from the towne of Colmogro vnto the citie of Nouogrode ... 190 

The Merchant Adventurers of England, &c., to their Agents in 

Russia. London, 18th April 1567 - . . 206 

The note and stinte of one yeares apparell for an apprentyse in 

Russia or Persia, &c. . . . _ 226 

The Priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English 
merchants of that company : obteined the 22. of Seiftcuibcr, 
anno 1567, by M. Anthony lenkinson - - - '2-lS 


A message vnto tlie quones excellent Maiestie from th'Empcror 
his highnes of Moscouia, to be doone in secrett vnto her liiglmes 
by me her graces seruant, A. lenkinson - - 2r>6 

Instructions for Tho. Randolph, esquier, . . . being sent in Am- 

bassad to the Emperor of Russia . - - 240 

The Ambassage of the right worshipfuU M. Thomas Randolfe, 
esquire, to the Emperour of Russia, in the yeere 1508. Briefly 
written by himselfe - _ - - 243 

A commission giuen by vs, Th, Randolph . . . and Th. Bannister, 
etc., vnto James Bassendine, James AVoodcocke and Rich. 
Browne ... for searching of the sea and border of the coast 
from the riuer Pechora to the Eastwardes . . . Ann. 1588 
[15G8], the first of August .... 251 

Necessarie notes to be obserued and followed in your discouerie 

... [By William Burrough] - - - - 254 

Thomas Randolph to Sir W. Cecil - - - 250 

Thomas Bannister & Geoffrey Ducket to Sir W. Cecil - - 258 

Thomas Bannister & Geoffrey Ducket to the Muscovy Co. - 201 

A Copie of the priuiledges graunted by the right high and 
mightie Prince, the Emperour of Russia, &c.: vnto the right 
worshipful felowship of English Marchants ... in the yeere 
of our Lord God 1509 - - - - 205 

The greate causes of offence giuen to the English Ambassador, 

Thomas Randolph ... - - - - 277 

The Tsar Ivan to Queen Elizabeth, 20th June 1509 - - 280 

Maister Thomas Bannester and Maister Duckett to the Counsail - 283 

The Ambassadors [Savin's] Request to the Right Honorable 

Maister Secretarie ----- 285 

Serten instroksyons geven me [Anthony Jenkinson] ... - 280 

Elizabeth to Ivan, 18th May 1570 - - - 287 

The Coppie of the Queens Maiesties Letter to the Emperour of 

Russia, IMaii 1570 ----- 290 

The Coppie of the Moscouitts Lettre in English, brought by 

Danyell Syluester, 24. Octobris 1570 - - - 292 

Elizabeth to Ivan, May or June 1571 - . - 297 

Iran to Elizabeth, August 1571 . - - - 299 


Elizabeth to Ivan, 20th October 1572 - - . 303 

A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie lenkinson, Ambassadoiir 

from the Queenes most excellent Maiestie to the Emperour of 

Russia . . . from the time of his arriual in Russia, being the 

26. of luly 1571, vntill his departure from thence, the 23. of 

Iulyl572 - - - - - 306 

Anthony lenkinson to Lord Burghley, 8. August 1571 - 335 

The burning of Moscow, by John Stow - - - 338 

The names of such countries as I, Anthonie lenkinson, haue 
trauelled vnto from the second of October 1546, at which time 
I made my first voiage out of England, vntill the yeere of our 
Lord 1572, when I returned last out of Russia - - 341 

Instructions giuen to Master D. Rogers and Master lenkinson, 
being sent to Embden to treate with the Kinge of Denmarks 
commissioners - . . _ . 344 

The order of Her Maiesties proceedings from tyme to tyme with 

ye Kinge of Denmarke, touching the Norway nauigation - 349 


I. The voyage wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscouite Ambassa- 
dour, returned home into his.Countrey, with his entertain- 
ment at his arriual at Colmogro; and a large description of 
the manners of the Countrey - - - 355 

II. The second voyage into Persia made by Thomas Alcocke, 
which was slayne there, and by Richard Cheinie, seruant to 
the worshipfuU companie of Moscouie merchants in An. 
1563. Written by the said Richard Cheinie - - 378 

HI. The thirde voyage into Persia, begun in the yeere 1565, 
by Richard Xohnson, Alexander Kitchin, and Arthur 
Edwards. A letter of Arthur Edwards to Master Thomas 
Nichols, concerning the preparation of their voyage into 
Persia ------ 382 

IV. An other letter of the said Master Arthur Edwards, written 
the 26. of April 1566. in Shamakie, in Media, to the right 
worshipfuU Sir Thomas Lodge, touching the successe of 
Ivicliard lohuson in the thirde voyage into Persia - 384 


V. A letter of Master Arthur Edwards, written the 8. of August 
1566. from the towne of Shamakie in Media, to the right 
worshipfull the Governours, Consuls, Assistants, and gene- 
ralitie of the Companie of Russia ... - - 393 

VI. Another letter of Arthur Edwards, written in Astracan, the 
16 of June 1567, at his returne in the first voyage out of 
Persia, to the right worshipfull companie trading into 
Russia, Persia, and other the North and Northeast partes 403 

VII. The fourth voyage into Persia made by M. Arthur Edwards, 
agent, John Sparke, Laurence Chapman, Christopher 
Faucet, and Richard Pingle, in the yeere 1568 - - 407 

VIII. Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia, begunne 

in themonthe of lulie 1568 ... - - - 415 

The articles of the second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence 

Chapman ... - - - - 418 

The maner how the Christians become Busormen and for- 
sake their religion - - - - 420 

Of the tree which beareth Bombasine cotton or Gos- 

sampine - - - - - 421 

The writing of the Persians - - - 422 

IX. The first voyage into Persia made by Master Thomas Ban- 
nister and Master Jeffrey Ducket, agents for the Moscouie 
Companie ; begun from England in the yeere 1568, and 
continuing to the yeere 1574 followiog - - 423 

Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia, taken 
in the foresayd fift voyage into those partes, and 
written by Master Jeffrey Ducket, one of the agents 
employed in the same - - . . 432 

X. Adnertisements and reports of the sixt voyage into the 
partes of Persia and Media, for the company of English 
merchants, for the discouery of new trades, in the yeeres 
1579, 1580, and 1581, gathered out of sundry letters 
written by Christopher Burrough, seruant to the said Com- 
pany, and sent to hisvncle, Master William Burrough - 441 

XI. Obseruations of the Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of 

diucrs places in Russia - - . . 474 

Inhkx - - - - - - 47.9 


VOL. I. 

Portrait of the Tsar Ivan (iv) Vasj*ilivitch {Reduced by 
photography from the original wood engraving in the possession 
of Senator Rovinsky) - - To face title 

Seal of the Russia Company {reproduced by photography) - Ivi 

Arms of Anthony Jenkinson {after a MS. in thi Harleian Col- 
lection at the British Museum) - - - - cii 

Facsimile of Map op Russia by Anthony Jenkinson {repro- 
duced by photography from the one in Ortelius^ Atlas in the 
British Museum) . . - - . cxx 

Sketch Map, showing Anthony Jenkinson's Route - 41 


Sketch Map, showing the Route of Southam and Sparke - 190 

Chart of Northern Navigation, by William Burrough 
{photographed from the original MS. in the Royal Library, 
British Museum) ----- 254 

Facsimile Autograph Letter of Anthony Jenkinson to 
William Cecil, Lord Burghley {photographed from the 
original MS. at the State Paper Office) - - - 335 


There are few subjects more interesting to the 
student of history, to the poUtician, and to the 
merchant, than the first opening of an intercourse 
between two nations. That between England and 
Russia dates back more than three centuries, and 
may almost be said to have begun with the appear- 
ance, in the sixteenth century, of Anthony Jen- 
kinson, ambassador of Queen Elizabeth, and agent 
of the Eussia or Muscovy Company between the 
years 1557-72. 

Before giving a sketch of his travels and services 
as they have been preserved to us by Hakluyt and 
in State documents, let us briefly glance at the still 
earlier voyages of Richard Chancellor. To Chancellor 
undoubtedly belongs the credit of laying the founda- 
tion of that commerce which became of such vast 
importance to both England and Russia, and has 
attained in our day so great a development! The 
story of his discovery of the White Sea, though 
often told, is yet so full of romantic interest, and so 
worthy to rank in the annals of his country, that it 
will bear repeating. After being parted from Sir 
Hugh Willoughby in a storm off the coast of Nor- 
way, he directed his course in his ship, the Edivard 
Bonaventiire, to Vardo, the rendezvous appointed in 


case of a separation. Here he waited several days, 
in the hope of being joined by his companions, but 
disappointed in this, he again set sail, determined 
to carry out to the best of his ability his instruc- 
tions, and 

" helde on his course towardes that vnknowen part of the 
world, and sailed so farre that hee came at last to the place 
where he found no night at all, but a continuall light and 
brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearly vpon the huge and 
mighty Sea*' {Hakl, 1589, p, 283). 

At length he entered the White Sea, then called 
the Bay of St. Nicholas, and anchored at the little 
port of Nenoksa, near the mouth of the Dwina. He 
learnt from some natives that the country he had 
reached was called Russia, or Muscovy, and that 
Ivan Vassilivitch was their king. 

"And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men 
whence they were and what they came for : whereunto 
answer was made, that they were Englishmen sent into those 
coastes from the most excellent King Edward the sixt." (ffaJcL, 
1589, p. 284.) 

Chancellor proceeded to Mosco, where he was well 
received by the Tsar, who dismissed him the following 
year with return letters to King Edward, informing 
him that his subjects might safely visit Russia and 
freely trade there. Edward YI had died before 
Chancellor returned to England, but his successor, 
Queen Mary, showed a desire to promote this new- 
found trade with Russia. In the first and second 
years of her reign (1555-6), a charter was granted to 
the Merchant Adventurers, henceforward known as 


the Muscovy or Eussia Company, by which were 
secured to them in their corporate capacity all the 
rights and privileges they had acquired, or might in 
the future acquire, by their enterprise and dis- 
coveries. That year a second expedition was sent 
to Eussia, under the same Richard Chancellor, 
accompanied by two agents, George Killing worth 
and Richard Gray, with full instructions to treat 
with the Tsar's counsellors for the establishment of 
a trade in his dominions ; they were, moreover, not 
to lose sight of the original object of their first 
voyage, " that you vse all wayes and meanes pos- 
sible to learne how men may passe from Russia 
either by land or by sea to Cathaia." Complete 
success rewarded these efforts. The Englishmen 
were received in the most gracious way by the Tsar, 
conferences were held at Mosco between them and 
certain ofl&cers and merchants of the Tsar, and 
arrangements concluded for a commercial intercourse 
on the most favourable terms. The English 
were to have the monopoly of trade in the White 
Sea, and establish their factories or houses of 
business at Kholmogori, Vologhda, and elsewhere. 
*' And thus may we continue three or foure 
yeeres", writes Killingworth to the Company, 
" and in this space we shall know the countrey and 
the merchants, and which way to saue ourselues 
best, and where to plant our houses, and where to 
seeke for wares" {Hakl, 1589, p. 301). 

Chancellor set sail for England on the 20th July 
1556, with four ships, including the two that were 


missing in the first voyage, and afterwards recovered, 
the Bona Speranza and Bona ConJid>entia. In his 
own ship, the Edward Bonaventure, he took Osep 
Napea, the first Russian ambassador to the English 
court, with his suite, and valuable furs and merchan- 
dise to the amount of £20,000 (now £100,000). 
The voyage home proved disastrous. Two of the 
ships, the Bona Speranza and Bona Conjidentia, 
were never heard of again ; the Edivard Bonaventure, 
after being four months at sea, at length arrived off 
the coast of Scotland, only to be wrecked in Novem- 
ber, in Pitsligo Bay, with the loss of many of the 
crew, seven Russians, and the gallant Chancellor 
himself, Osep Napea being one of the few survivors. 
Though so many brave men had perished, the 
arrival of the first Russian ambassador caused general 

" About this time (1556-7) came to London an ambassador 
to the Queene from the Emperor of Cathaie, Muscouia, and 
Eusseland, who was honorablie receiued at Totenham by the 
merchants of London, hauing trade in those countries, riding 
in veluet coates and chaines of gold, who bare all his costs 
and charges from the time of his entrie into England out of 
Scotland, for thither by tempest of weather he was driuen, 
and there forced to land. The Lord Montacute, with the 
Queens pensioners, met him at Islington townes end; and at 
Smithfield barres the lord maior and aldermen in scarlet 
receiued him and conueied him through the citie vnto maister 
Dimmocks howse in Fanchurch street, where he lodged 
vntil the twelfe of Maie, all which time he wanted no resort. 
And after his ambassage done to the Queene he departed 
againe with three [four] f aire ships from Gravesend vnto his 
countrie, when he had remained here two moneths and 
more." — HoUiished' s Chronicle, p. 1132. 


With the departure of Napea from Gravesend, 
escorted by Anthony Jenkinson, we take up the 
story of the intercourse between England and 
Russia, leaving much that is interesting in the 
earlier voyages of Chancellor and Stephen Burrough, 
and their accounts of Russia, perhaps for a future 
volume of the Hakluyt Society. Of Jenkinson's 
earlier travels, of which we print his summary at 
the end of this volume, the only details accessible 
are those contained in Hakluyt 's second edition, 
giving an account of Solyman's entry into Aleppo in 
1553, at which he was present. There can be no 
doubt that the experience gained by him on these 
distant travels was of great service, and helped to 
fit him for the long and perilous journeys he subse- 
quently undertook ; and that his extensive acquaint- 
ance with the people and manners of other countries 
prepared him for the delicate missions he successfully 
carried out in Russia and the adjacent countries of 
Central Asia. He was, too, a skilful navigator, and 
understood surveying, as far as it was known in the 
sixteenth century ; for his observations for latitude, 
though showing in some instances considerable 
errors, are wonderfully correct, if it be duly remem- 
bered how rude were the instruments then used. 
Such qualifications amply justified the Company in 
appointing him to the command of their expedition 
to Russia in 1557. This was composed of four ships, 
of which the Noble Primrose^ was admiral, and in- 

1 The Primrose was launched at Deptford on the 6th July 
1551, in the presence of King Edward, in whose journal there is 


structions were given that the other three should 
keep her company. Having already tried the 
Bussian trade, the Company now made their first 
large shipment of cloth and other English commodi- 
ties, such as cotton stuifs, pewter, sugar, etc., and 
sent artizans to set up a rope-walk at Kholmogori. 
They also sent ten young men as apprentices to 
learn the trade, and acquire a knowledge of the 
country.^ Osep Napea was furnished with letters 
from Philip and Mary to Ivan lY, on the subject of 
his mission, in which they express the hope that 
there would be a perpetual amity between the two 
nations, and that he would declare the full par- 
ticulars of the commercial treaty it was proposed to 

The fleet set sail from Gravesend on the 12th 
May, but, delayed by accidents and contrary winds, 
did not sight the coast of Norway till the 25th of 
June, when they discovered Helge land lying north- 
east of them. On the 27th they were ofi" the 
Lofoden Islands. Continuing their voyage without 
further mishap, they rounded the North Cape on 
the 2nd July, and the following day touched at 
Vardo. Hence their course lay south-east, close 

an entry concerning it. This ship was originally intended for the 
Royal Navy, but was lent by the King to Alderman Barnes and 
Sir William Gerrard for their venture to the coast of Guinea, for 
which she sailed from Portsmouth on the 12th August 1553. 
The enterprise to Guinea failed, owing to Captain Wyndham's 

' Hakl., 1599, i, p. 299. 

2 Cal. JS. r.y For. Mary, 1557, No. 595. 


along the coast of Lapland, or Lappla, as our author 
calls it, passing Varanger fiord, or, as it was then 
known, DommeshafF,^ and Arzina, or Nokuyef bay, 
where the gallant Sir Hugh Willoughby and his 
crews had perished in the winter of 1553-4. They 
doubled Sviatoi N'oss, that remarkable promontory 
to which the early navigators made offerings of 
*' butter, meale, and other victuals", and which 
Stephen Burrough named Cape Gallant ; and stand- 
ing over to the opposite shore of the entrance to 
the White Sea, safely anchored in St. Nicholas 
road on the 12th July, having sailed from London, 
according to their reckoning, 750 leagues, or 2,250 

The Russian ambassador and the Englishmen 
who had come to serve the Emperor at once landed, 
and, after all their things were on shore, proceeded 
by boats up the Dwina. Jenkinson remained to 
superintend the discharging of the ships, their re- 
loading and departure for England. Then he also 
started for Kholmogori, thence to Yologhda by 
water, and from the latter place to Mosco by land. 
Before following him in his travels into Asia, it 
seems necessary to say something of the state of 
Russia at this time, and of its ruler, Ivan Vassili- 
vitch IV, surnamed Grosny, or the Terrible. 

From 1235 to 1478 Russia groaned under the 

1 DommeshafT, probably so named after King Dummer, whose 
rule extended to this part of the coast. Cf. StUckenberg, Ilydro- 
graphiej bd. ii, p. 3. Tins derivation, however, may be compared 
with that given below, p. 19. 


Tartar yoke. Wild hordes of Mongols, under Batu, 
Timur, and Yedighei, swept across its level plains, 
burning and destroying every vestige of civilisation, 
and stamping out that love of self-government 
which was characteristic of early Russian society. 
For nearly three centuries Tartar Khans received 
tribute at Sarai, their capital on the lower Volga, 
from the Russian princes ; and though desperate 
attempts were made to shake off the yoke of the 
oppressors — as when Dmitri, surnamed Donskoi (of 
the Don), fought and defeated the host of Mamai 
on the field of Kulikof — the chains which held the 
people down were only riveted more closely. Their 
relief was only accomplished towards the close of the 
1 5th century, when dissensions among the Tartars 
themselves had prepared the way for the liberation 
of Russia. This was accomplished by Ivan III 
(1462-1505), surnamed '* the Great". He united 
the various principalities into which Russia was 
divided, into one State, the Grand Duchy of Mosco ; 
put an end to the dissensions of the princes, and in 
this way gave Russia strength to shake off the 
Tartar. Ivan III introduced the arts of civilisation 
into his country, and brought architects from Italy 
to embellish his capital. The walls and towers of 
the Kremlin attest at the present day the early 
influence of Italian art in the ancient city of the 
Tsars. The wise and firm policy of Ivan III was 
continued by his son and successor, Yassili III 
(1505-33), and his grandson Ivan IV (1533-84). 
During the reign of the former, Herberstein twice 


visited Moscovy as ambassador from the Emperor 
of Germany, and wrote his interesting book, Rerum 
Moscovitarum Commentarii,^ many editions of which 
appeared in the 16th century. 

In 1546, Ivan IV was crowned at Mosco, taking 
the title of Tsar, first borne by Ivan III, as well as 
that of Grand Duke. His marriage with Anastasia 
Zakharin, solemnised shortly afterwards, promised to 
inaugurate a period of peace and prosperity for 
Bussia. "Our enemies", wrote the annalists, " infidel 
Tsars and impious Kings, dared no longer trouble 
the peace of Russia, and Ivan raised himself to the 
highest rank among them."^ In 1552, one year 
before the opening of intercourse with England, 
the Tartar fortress of Kazan fell ; and this event, 
followed two years later by the capture of Astra- 
khan, made the Volga throughout its entire course 
a Russian river. The immediate consequence of 
these victories was to secure the eastern frontiers 
of Russia., and to enable the Tsar to turn his arms 
against the Western States of Poland, Livonia, and 
Sweden. Against these enemies of Russia his success 
was only temporary, for the numbers and bravery 
of his soldiers could not prevail against their supe- 
rior discipline and artillery. At first, however, in 
his campaign against Sweden, he carried the w^ar into 
the enemy's country, and compelled Gustavus Vasa 

^ See Notes upon Russia, edited by Major (Hakl. Soc). Dr. 
Hamel is probably right in his conjecture that an Italian transla- 
tion of Herberstein's work, published at Venice in 1550, had been 
accessible to Sebastian Cabot. — England and Russia, p. 113. 

^ Kanimsin, viii, Gd. 


to sue for peace. His armies devastated Livonia, 
and laid its flourishing cities in ashes, humbling 
the pride and breaking the power of the Teutonic 
Knights. In 1558 the fall of Narva opened the 
much coveted way to the Baltic, and gave Russia 
her first port on the West. Ivan was now at the 
height of his power. He had conquered all his 
enemies, remodelled the internal administration of 
his empire, introduced printing, and established the 
Strelzi, the first standing army in Bussia. But a 
remarkable change came over him about this time, 
connected in some way with the death of his wife, 
attributed by him to poison. He disgraced Sylvester 
and Adasheff, the wise counsellors under whose 
influence he had ruled so well, and abandoned him- 
self to his passions. These, as a recent author (Count 
Yuri Tolstoi) has remarked, " inscribed his reign in 
blood in the annals of Russia." " It is vain," says 
this writer, "to assign periods to his executions ; in 
one continual torrent of blood they deluged the last 
twenty years of his reign, sometimes relaxing,, but 
never iii' i-nipting their stormy course."^ His victims 
were among the best and most distinguished of his 
subjects ; among them were many who had served 
him long and faithfully in peace and war. He spared 
neither young nor old, neither man nor woman. 
Three centuries have not effaced from the memory 
of the Russian people the revolting cruelties of this 
monster. " Many are the lays", says Mr. Morfill, in 
his Slavonic Literature (p. 51), " treating of Ivan the 

* England and Russia, p. xix. 


Terrible, and the instrument of his cruelties, Maliuta 
Skurlatovitch, who stood in the same relation to him 
as Tristan I'Hermite did to Louis IX of France, being 
his intimate associate and the instigator of many 
of his cruelties." 

Following the example of Henry YIII, Ivan had 
six wives. By the first, Anastasia, he had three 
sons and three daughters, only one of whom sur- 
vived him, viz., Feodor, his successor. In 1561 he 
married Mary, the daughter of Prince Temgruk of 
Circassia, by whom he had a son, who only lived 
five weeks. Mary died in September 1569, and on 
the 28th October 1571 he married Martha Sabakina, 
daughter of a merchant in Novgorod, chosen for 
her beauty out of two thousand young girls col- 
lected from all parts of the empire. She died of 
consumption on the 13th November of the same 
year. In 1572 he married Anna Koltovskoy, and 
repudiated her in 1577, placing her in a monastery. 
His fifth wife was Anna Yassilchikof, who died very 
soon. Her place was taken by a widow of the name 
of Yassilissa Melentief, distinguished for her beauty, 
to live with whom he did not go through a religious 
ceremony, but merely contented himself with a 
benediction from his confessor. His sixth wife was 
Mary, daughter of Feodor Nagai, a dignitary of the 
Court. She was the mother of the unfortunate 
Dmitri, innocent cause of innumerable woes to 

It is generally known that Ivan solicited the 
hand of Queen Elizabeth, and it is most likely that 


his first overtures in this direction were made through 
Jenkinson. Of this there is no positive proof, though 
it is not improbable that the secret message en- 
trusted to him by the Tsar in 1567 had reference to 
a marriage ; Randolph, Bannister, and Ducket, in 
their letters to Cecil and the Muscovy Company, 
hint that this may have been the case, and that 
the Emperor was angry at having received no 
answer. In 1581, Ivan sent Pissemsky to England 
to treat of a marriage with Lady Mary Hastings, 
niece of the Queen ; and this was the subject of his 
secret conferences with Sir Jerome Bowes in 1583.^ 
Ivan died on the 18th March 1584, having reigned 
fifty-one years. In person he was tall and spare, 
with broad shoulders, and a somewhat stooping gait. 
As a young man he was good-looking, with a high 
nose and brilliant complexion, but in advanced life 
his aspect was sinister and ferocious to the last 
degree. Ivan lived to see all his earlier conquests 
taken from him, except Kazan and Astrakhan. 
Esthonia, with Bevel and other towns, were sur- 
rendered to Denmark, Sweden retook Narva, wdth 
Ivangorod, the Bussian fortress, facing it on the 
opposite bank of the Narova. Livonia was ceded to 
Stephen Bathory, King of Poland, together with 
Polotsk, brilliantly captured by the Bussian arms in 
1563. Pskof, however^ having withstood a cele- 
brated siege, remained to Bussia. In Eastern 

^ The Queen's letter, declining the offer, is still to be seen, 
preserved in a casket in one of the rooms of the old palace. — 
liiissian Art, by Alfred Maskell, p. 236. 


Russia affairs were in an unsettled state, owing to 
a revolt of the Cheremissi ; whilst in the South, the 
Tartars of the Crimea, supported as they had been 
by the Sultan of Turkey, were ever a pressing 
danger. By far the most satisfactory result of his 
foreign policy was his alliance with England. That 
remained to him when all his ambitious designs had 
failed. The Baltic was closed to Russian trade, but 
the White Sea remained open, and he could write to 
the Queen, his "lovinge sister", as he invariably 
called her, on matters of state, on personal affairs, 
or commerce, as the inclination took him. 

On the 23rd April 1558, furnished with letters of 
recommendation from the Tsar, Jenkinson started 
from Mosco on his adventurous journey towards 
Cathay. His companions were Richard and Robert 
Johnson, the former of whom had already travelled 
in Russia, having gone out with Chancellor in the 
first voyage in 1553, and taken part in Stephen 
Burrough's voyage in the SearcMlirift in 1556. His 
knowledge of the country would, therefore, have 
been useful to Jenkinson, whom he decided to 
accompany; though in the instructions (Art. 15) it is 
desired that Richard Johnson, "late servant to M. 
Chanceler, shal be sent home in this next returne to 
instruct the companie of the state of the countrey, 
. . . and that he shall haue the roome of the Captaine 
in such sort as Master Jenkinson is in this present 
cocket assigned vnto." Besides his English com- 
panions, he took with him a Tartar tolmatch, or in- 
terpreter, who would doubtless have been of great 


service in communicating with the various tribes of 
Asiatics whose language has an affinity to the 

Descending the Moskva to its confluence with the 
Oka at Kolomna, he continued his journey down 
this river, passing the towns of Riazan, Kassimof, 
and Murom, famous even in those days for their 
history. On the eleventh day he came to Nijny 
Novgorod, now reached in about eleven hours by rail 
from Mosco, and here he made a halt of eight days, 
to wait the arrival of a newly appointed governor of 
Astrakhan, with whom he was to continue the jour- 
ney. This officer had 500 large boats with him, laden 
with soldiers and war munitions, and in his company 
Jenkinson passed in safety those parts of the 
Volga inhabited by warlike tribes of Finnish and 
Tartar race, whose allegiance was not to be depended 
upon. On the 29th May our traveller arrived at 
Kazan, then in course of reconstruction. Its wooden 
fortifications were being demolished, and replaced by 
walls of stone, and Jenkinson was favourably im- 
pressed with its appearance. He was the first 
Englishman to visit this city, where he abode fifteen 
days, departing only on the 13th June. The next 
day he passed the mouth of the Kama, and pursued 
his journey down the lower Volga through a country 
inhabited by Nagai Tartars, who had lately made 
peace with Kussia. Of their manners and customs 
he gives some interesting particulars, which might 
serve to describe the Kirghiz of the present day, 
from whom the Nagayans diflered only in the con- 
struction and mode of carrying their tents. 


On the 14th July Jenkinson arrived at Astrakhan, 
having passed on the same day the old town of this 
name, Hve miles above the new town. He found 
Astrakhan in a deplorable state, owing to a famine, 
followed shortly afterwards by the plague. Heaps 
of dead Nagayans lay unburied over the island on 
which Astrakhan is built, and many of the survivors 
were offered as slaves. Jenkinson could have bought 
a thousand from their own fathers or mothers for a 
loaf of bread apiece ; but he adds that he had more 
need of provisions than of any such merchandise. 
He appears, however, to have become the possessor of 
a Tartar girl, "Aura Soltana", whom he, on his return, 
presented to the Queen [infra, p. 109). Astrakhan 
was the farthest possession of Russia towards the 
Caspian, in those days. Here the authority of the 
Tsar ended, and the travellers had to rely entirely on 
their own resources in prosecuting their journey. 
Having purchased a boat and equipped her, the three 
Englishmen started on their voyage on the 6th 
August, in the company of some Tartars and Persians. 
The intricate navigation of the Volga delta put their 
seamanship to a severe test, and on the 10th they 
entered the Caspian, the first Englishmen to enter 
that inland sea, and to sound and explore its basin. 
*'It is curious to see", says Alexander von Humboldt, 
in his work on Central Asia,^ "that this same nation, 
which in the vast ocean has rendered such great and 
memorable services to astronomical science, should 
also have been excited by interests of commerce to 
survey the coasts of a great basin of Central Asia." 
^ Asie Centrale, ii, p. 232. 


The means which were employed by Jenkinson, 
and after him by Christopher Burrough, Bruce, 
Han way, and others, were doubtless of a very imper- 
fect kind, but to their intrepidity Europe owed a 
number of nautical and topographical observations, 
which threw fresh light on a part of the earth's 
surface concerning which complete ignorance pre- 
vailed. Jenkinson's survey did not extend beyond 
the northern coasts of the Caspian ; neither, on his 
journey to Bokhara nor on that to Persia, three 
years later, did he navigate the southern portion 
of this sea; his map, therefore, published in 1561, 
and based only on his own observations, made 
during his first voyage, gives a widely different 
idea of the extent and configuration of its coasts 
to their delineation on modern maps. Never- 
theless, as regards the northern coasts, where they 
came under his personal observation, he is generally 
correct. He speaks of "the blue sea", as it is still 
called, a wide bay to the north-east of the Volga 
delta ; of the Yaik, afterwards known as the Ural 
river, debouching into the Caspian ; and of the town 
of Seraichik, situated on it, visited by Ibn Batuta 
and several of the mediaeval travellers on their way 
to Urgendj. It was while lying at anchor off the 
mouth of the Yaik that Jenkinson, who was very ill 
at the time, ran considerable risk of falling into the 
hands of a party of thirty well-armed robbers, who 
boarded his vessel under the pretence of searching 
for Kafirs or infidels. Fortunately for our English 
travellers, a Tartar mollah stood by them, and by 


hard swearing prevailed upon the rovers to depart. 
From the Yaik they sailed E.S.E., the direction of 
the coast, till they were off the now desiccated 
entrance to the Emba, then south, to get into deeper 
water, crossing the wide but shallow Mertvi Kultuk 
gulf, and approaching the northern shore of Man- 
gishlak peninsula, where a ridge of hills, running 
almost to Cape Tiuk Karagan, lends a bolder cha- 
racter to the coast. Here a storm overtook them, 
and compelled them to land, not precisely where 
they should have done, but on the opposite side of 
Koshak bay to that on which the port of Mangishlak 
was situated. On the 3rd September, nearly one 
month from the date of their leaving Astrakhan, 
they landed and prepared for their journey to 

Our traveller's experiences were henceforward of 
an altogether novel kind. He was among the wild, 
predatory inhabitants of the steppe, the Turkomans, 
who lived then, as they have done ever since, by 
rapine and plunder. They owned no allegiance to 
king or khan, respected no law or obligation of any 
kind, and even disregarded ties of kinship and 
family. Jenkinson found it quite impossible to 
have any dealings with them. Their promises were 
never kept, and hardly a day passed without he and 
his companions being molested, till he was glad to 
pay them their own price for camels and provisions, 
besides some presents to their prince or governor, 
and be quit of them. At length, on the 14th 
September, the caravan, numbering one thousand 


camels, started. After travelling five days, they 
came to the dominions of another prince, Timur 
Sultan, brother to Hadjim, reigning Khan of Khiva. 
His authority extended to Mangishlak, and his 
people stopped and plundered the caravan. Jenkin- 
son, however, rode in person to Timur Sultan, and 
represented his case so forcibly, that he fared better 
than the others, receiving a horse worth about half 
the value of the confiscated merchandise, and good 
entertainment. Had he not done this, he would, in 
all probability, have been robbed and spoiled of all 
he possessed. Twenty days' travel in the desert 
brought them to what Jenkinson took to be a gulf 
of the Caspian, but what really was Lake Sari- 
Kamish, as modern discoveries and surveys have 
shown. Here they refreshed themselves with its 
water, which was sweet — for it doubtless received then, 
as it occasionally does now, some of the surplus dis- 
charge of the Oxus — and proceeded three days' 
march to Yezir, or, as it is rendered in. the text, 
Sellizure, at that time capital of Kwarezm, the 
modern Khanat of Khiva. Hadjim Khan was then 
the reigning sovereign of this country, and Jen- 
kinson was brought before him and well received. 
At a second interview he was questioned a good deal 
about the Emperor of E-ussia, of whom Hadjim's 
father, Ogotai Khan, had doubtless heard through 
the Nogai Mirza, Kassai, as the latter informs Ivan 
IV, in 1553, that he had intimate relations both 
with the Tsar of Bokhara and with Agotai, Tsar of 


Urgendj^; yet the earliest direct relations of these 
potentates with the Emperor of Russia were due to 
the enterprise of an English merchant — a fact, 
perhaps, lost sight of in the acute stages of the 
Central Asian question. 

On the 14th October Jenkinson and his com- 
panions left Vezir, of which barely a trace remains 
at the present day, so completely desolate has the 
place become since the Oxus ceased to flow that way, 
and on the second day arrived at the old city of 
Urgendj — the Kunia Urgendj of modern maps. He 
found it in ruins, owing to the constant civil wars 
waged by the Khans of the houses of Ogotai and 
Bujuga. Abulghazi, the historian of the Mongol 
and Turkish princes, mentions that Hadjim Khan 
and his brothers besieged Urgendj and retook it 
from Ish Sultan, brother of Dost Khan, in the 965th 
year of the Hejira, or 1558 a.d.,^ therefore, shortly 
before Jenkinson's arrival. The ruins of Urgendj 
have been seen by a modern Russian traveller. 
Baron Kaulbars, who says a fine view of them may 
be obtained from the earthern ramparts of Ak-Kala.* 
Jenkinson remained a month at Urgendj, but found 
the trade there insignificant, so harassed had the 
people been by wars. The country, too, was infested 
by bands of marauders, led by petty chiefs ; for as 
soon as one had been worsted in battle he would flee 
to the steppe, and maintain himself and his followers 
in a precarious way by attacking and plundering 

1 Vesselofshy, p. 109. 2 /^^-^^^ p^ uq. 

8 Zapisky, Imp.Russlc. Geogr. Ohsch. Gen. Geogr.^ vol. ix, p. 409. 


passing caravans. Every man rode armed with bow, 
arrows, and sword; their pursuits were rearing cattle; 
their pastime, hawking ; they carried no money, but 
suppUed their wants by barter; their chief drink was 
mare's milk, the well-known kumiss; and their food, 
horseflesh. Such is the picture drawn for us by 
Jenkinson of the inhabitants of Central Asia, and 
it might almost apply to these people at the present 
day, so little change has there been during three 
centuries of native rule. 

From Urgendj Jenkinson travelled 100 miles up 
the desiccated bed of the old arm of the Oxus, which 
formerly flowed near Urgendj, and then crossed a 
great river, to which he, or his transcriber, gave the 
name of Ardok, and to which he ascribed a course of 
1,000 miles to the northward and then 500 miles 
underground to the lake of Kitai (Cathay). Here 
he evidently trusted to hearsay information, and 
endeavoured to reconcile it with the erroneous 
geography of his time.^ The passage in question, and 
his other allusions to the hydrography of this part of 
the Aralo-Caspian basin, have been fully discussed ; 
but since the elaborate surveys made by Russian 
officers, much new light has been thrown on the sub- 
ject, and we therefore give in a note Baron Kaulbars' 

^ Derived perhaps from mythological ideas concerning the rivers 
of Asia, such as are to be found in MarignoUi's Recollections of 
Travel, or from Edrisi, where this author speaks of the disappear- 
ance of the Waksh-ab, one of the head tributaries of the Oxus. 
-—Gf. Cathay (Hakl. Soc), p. 350 ; Humboldt, Asie Centrales 
ii, 230. 


On the 7th December our traveller passed through 
Kath, where he was subjected to imposition by the 
ruler, a brother of Hadjim Khan, probably Suleiman. 
Between this place and Bokhara lay a tract of 
desert infested by robbers, a band of whom at- 
tacked the caravan, but met with such a spirited 
resistance, chiefly owing to the three Englishmen and 
their guns, that they were glad to make peace after 
three days' fighting, during which several on either 
side were slain. Having endured great privations, 
owing to want of water and provisions, the caravan 
reached Bokhara in safety on the 23rd Decem- 
ber 1558. Three centuries had elapsed since 
the brothers Polo visited this city, and, after a 
residence there of three years, had been fortunate 
enough to proceed to Cathay. Like them, Jenkinson 
was also desirous of travelling thither ; but circum- 
stances had entirely changed. The "great Khan" 
Kublai of the Polos exercised undisputed authority 
over a wide region, extending from Mongolia to the 
Caspian, and made strangers from the west welcome 
to his court. His power, and that of his descendants, 
had long passed away, and the country was a prey 
to anarchy and confusion, owing to the rival claims 
of Uzbek princes and invasions of Kalmuks and 
Kirghiz. Finding that it would be impossible to 
continue his journey towards Cathay, Jenkinson 
wisely determined to return the way he came, after 
a stay of three months and a half at Bokhara. 
During this time he had several interviews with its 
king, the famous Abdullah Khan, under whose rule 


the Oxus countries enjoyed a greater degree of pros- 
perity than they have done since, and whose memory 
is still cherished by the inhabitants of Turkestan.^ 
Our traveller's account of him is not altogether 
favourable, as he went to the wars without paying 
his debts ; nevertheless, Jenkinson considered him- 
self fortunate in receiving part of what was owed 
him and being despatched. Foregoing: his intention 
of returning through Persia, Jenkinson departed from 
Bokhara on the 8th March 1559, with a caravan 
of 600 camels. In seventeen days he crossed the 
intervening desert, arriving at Urgendj on the 25th 
of the same month, in the company of two ambas- 
sadors, sent by the Khans of Bokhara and Balkh 
to the Emperor of Kussia. At Urgendj four more 
ambassadors from its Khan joined his party, Jenkin- 
son undertaking that they should be well treated 
in Russia, and suffered to depart. On the 23rd 
April they were once more on the shore of the 
Caspian, where they found their barque, but neither 
anchor, cable, nor sail in her. To remedy these 
deficiencies they set to work and spun a cable of 
some hemp they brought with them, made a sail of 
cotton cloth, and were devising an anchor of a 
wooden cart-wheel, when a barque opportunely 
arrived from Astrakhan with a spare anchor, which 
Jenkinson purchased. Having rigged their vessel to 
the best of their ability, the three Englishmen, with 
six ambassadors, and twenty-five Russian slaves, 
liberated from captivity through the instrumentality 
' See De Moscou en Bactriane, Boiivallot, p. 248. 


of Jenkinson, set sail, and after narrowly escaping 
shipwreck, or a worse fate, arrived in safety at 
Astrakhan on the 28th May. Here they remained 
till the 10th of June, engaged in preparations for 
their boat journey up the Volga. 

Jenkinson breaks off his narrative at this point 
to say something of the Caspian and the countries 
bordering upon it ; he also gives the result of his 
observations on the trade of Persia, and its chief 
towns. He found that his English cloth could not 
compete with merchandise of a similar kind imported 
by way of the Levant and Syria ; while, owing to 
the few ships, the want of ports and mart towns, 
the poverty of the people, and the ice, no trade of 
any importance could be done- on the Caspian. 

On the 10th June, with an escort of 100 gunners 
to protect him, as well as the Khivan and Bokharian 
ambassadors, Jenkinson departed from Astrakhan. 
It took them six weeks to ascend the Volga to Kazan, 
and the whole of this time they had no opportunity of 
revictualling, for there were no habitations between 
these towns. Very different is the lower Volga at 
the present day, with many large and flourishing 
towns on its banks, countless steamers, lighters, and 
craft of every kind plying its waters. Nothing 
would probably better mark the lapse of time than 
the contrast between Jenkinson's Volga and the 
Volga of our day. On the 7th August they departed 
from Kazan, and proceeded by water as far as Murom, 
continuing the journey by land to Mosco, where 
they arrived on the 2nd September, after an absence 


of a year, five months, and nine days. Jenklnson 
had an audience of the Tsar, to whom he presented 
a yak's tail and a Tartar drum ; he also brought 
before him the six ambassadors committed to his 
charge, and the twenty-five Russian liberated slaves. 
The Tsar received him well, invited him to dinner, 
and asked him various questions relating to his 
travels. From the 2nd September to the 17th 
February our traveller abode at Mosco, chiefly 
engaged in the Company's affairs. Then having 
leave from the Emperor to depart, he proceeded 
to Vologhda, where he waited the opening of the 
navigation, arriving safely at Kholmogori on the 
9th May 1560. Hence he returned to England by 
ship with Henry Lane. 

His reception in England on his return from 
Central Asia was not what a traveller in these days 
would expect as his due, had he overcome the same 
diflficulties and done as much for the benefit of his 
country and for science, as Jenkinson. There were 
no scientific societies to welcome our hero (for hero 
he undoubtedly was) and do him honour. He had 
penetrated with undaunted courage and persever- 
ance into lands till then unknown, and he had won 
for England the first place in overland explorations 
towards Cathay. But though his work was valued 
by the merchants, his narrative of what he saw and 
did (modestly as it was told) earned for him no 
special reward or distinction. Nevertheless, the Mer- 
chant Adventurers decided to send him out again 
in 1561; and they accordingly organised another 


expedition to the trans-Caspian countries, with Jen- 
kinson, now a member of their Society, as their 
representative, to try and open commercial inter- 
course with Persia. He was instructed to proceed 
to Mosco, present the Queen's letters to the Tsar, 
and such gifts as he might consider suitable, and 
ask for letters of safe conduct through his dominions. 
If it should appear desirable, he was to treat for a 
fixed tariff on the transit of their merchandise to 
and from Persia and other countries. As to the 
sale or barter of their ware, full discretion was given 
him, and he was also to select such of the Com- 
pany's servants or apprentices to accompany him as 
he might find necessary, taking one, at all events, 
on whom he could depend in case of anything hap- 
pening to himself On arriving in Persia, he was 
to present the Queen's letters to the Shah, or " Great 
Sophi", as this potentate was usually styled in 
Europe, and obtain, if possible, letters of privilege 
for a free trade into his dominions. If he should 
find it impossible to pass into Persia in the sum- 
mer of 1562, he might either conduct an expedi- 
tion to search for the north-east passage by Nova 
Zembla, or wait for the chance of entering Persia 
in 1563, unless in the meanwhile an opportunity 
should present itself of disposing of the Company's 
cloth in Hussia. As a last resource, he might carry 
his merchandise through Poland to Constantinople, 
or elsewhere. It was also suggested that Kichard 
Johnson, Jenkinson's former companion to Bokhara, 
might employ his time to advantage in exploring 


the coasts of the Arctic Sea to the east of Khohiio- 
gori, and be at Mosco in time to start with Jenkin- 
son for Persia. 

On the 14th May 1561 our traveller embarked 
at Gravesend in the Swallow, and on the 26th July 
following arrived at Kholmogori. Hence he pro- 
ceeded overland to Vologhda, passing through the 
old Eussian province of Vago, and accomplishing 
this part of his journey in thirteen days, instead of 
five weeks, the time usually taken to reach it by 
water, in boats towed up the Dwina. On the 20th 
August he arrived at Mosco, where he sought an 
interview with the Emperor. Some time, however, 
elapsed before this was granted, the Tsar being 
then engaged in celebrating his second nuptials. 
Our traveller, too, met with some opposition from 
the Secretary, Ivan Mikhailof Viscovaty, who had 
on other occasions befriended the English. 

So little success did Jenkinson meet with, that he 
was on the point of taking his departure for England, 
having disposed of the Company's cloth and other 
merchandise, and had actually received his passport 
and paid for the post-horses to convey him on his 
homeward journey, when Osep Napea, with whom 
he had made the voyage to Kussia in 1557, called, 
and persuaded him to remain till the matter had 
been reconsidered. Jenkinson followed his advice, 
and three days afterwards received the desired per- 
mission to travel to Persia, with the promise of 
letters of recommendation to the foreign princes 
through whose territory he might pass. Not only 


was this favour shown him, but he was also charged 
by the Tsar with important commissions/ probably- 
referring to the relations of Russia with the Circas- 
sian princes who had taken the oath of allegiance, 
and asked to be led against the Turk. Whatever 
these " important matters" were, our traveller is 
discreetly silent about them ; though he appears to 
have acquitted himself to the complete satisfaction 
of Ivan, who, to show his gratitude, granted more 
ample privileges to the English than they had yet 

On the 15th of March Jenkinson dined with 
the Emperor, in the company of an ambassador of 
Persia, with whom he travelled to Astrakhan, where 
they arrived on the 10th June, in good health. Here 
they parted company, the Persian ambassador set- 
ting out in his own barque, while Jenkinson, who had 
letters to the Governor of Astrakhan, prepared to 
follow him. The northern part of the Caspian was 
frequented by pirates, and rendered unsafe for mer- 
chant vessels (only a few years later, Duckett, 
returning from Persia, was attacked and plundered 
of most of his goods) : it was therefore necessary 
that Jenkinson should have a convoy to take him 
past the dangerous places. Two brigantines with 
fifty " gunners" (or strelitsi) were placed at his 
service for this purpose, and embarking on the 15th 
July 1562, he once more sailed into the Caspian, 
and taking a south-westerly course, threaded his 
way through the numerous islands lying off the 
' Karamsm, viii, p. 252. 


Volga delta, sighting on the second day the coast 
of Tumen, the country of Temgruk, father-in-law 
of Ivan. In their anxiety to avoid pirates, Jenkin- 
son and his party sailed forty miles out of their 
course, and ran upon a sand-bank out of sight of 
land, where they might all have perished. Having 
escaped this peril, they were overtaken by a violent 
storm off the coast of Kumyk, and obliged to lie 
to for seven days. Their vessel had become leaky, 
and they had lost an anchor ; but they rode out the 
gale with the remaining one, and kept her afloat 
by pumping. The remainder of their voyage they 
accomplished without further mishap. On the 1st 
August Jenkinson landed at Derbend, at that time 
a possession of Persia. This city had not till then 
been visited by any Englishman, although the 
Italian travellers of the 15th and 16th centuries 
had passed through it, and Contarini stayed there 
several months in 1475-6.^ Jenkinson notices its 
singular position between the mountains and the 
sea, and speaks of its castle and the celebrated wall 
of Alexander. From Derbend he continued his 
voyage along the coast for eighty miles to Shabran, 
where he discharged his barque and prepared for his 
journey inland. 

News having been received from the King of 
Shirvan that Jenkinson might repair to his court, 
our traveller started on the 12th August, and 
arrived at Shemakha on the 18th. He then rode 
twenty miles into the mountains, where he found 

^ See his Travels^ published by the Hakluyt Society, p. 147. 


the King, Abdullah Khan, of whose royal state, 
dress, and retinue he speaks at length, and 
also of a grand banquet at which he (Jenkinson) 
was an honoured guest. The King promised him 
men to conduct him in safety to the Shah, who was 
then at his capital, Kazvin, thirty days' journey 
from Shemakha; and after showing him great favour, 
dismissed him. So far, Jenkinson's mission had been 
perfectly successful, and he had strong hopes of 
accomplishing the object of his journey and esta- 
blishing a trade with Persia. Circumstances, how- 
ever, over which he had no control, prevented this. 
The wars between Turkey and Persia, which 
had been frequent in the reign of Ismail Sophi and 
of his son Tahmasp, and which were in a great 
measure due to the bitter animosity between the 
followers of Othman and the Kalifs, and tliose of 
Ali and his descendants, the Suffavean monarchs of 
Persia, had for a time ceased. Solyman II, now in 
declining years, was more concerned about family 
affairs than anxious to extend an already unwieldy 
empire. Of his four sons by Roxolana, Selim, the 
eldest, had been chosen by him as his successor, 
whilst Bajazet, younger and more warlike, the 
favourite of his mother and the people, was in 
revolt. Finding that his father was determined to 
put him to death, Bajazet fled to Persia with his 
sons, and sought the protection of Shah Tahmasp. 
This monarch received him well, treated him courte- 
ously, and promised to intercede for him, whilst at 
the same time he was traitorously negotiating with 


Solyman, and soon after threw Bajazet into prison. 
Shah Tahmasp, however, still declined to give him 
up alive, but at length accepted a bribe to allow 
him to be killed. A special messenger, Hassan 
Agha, a eunuch of the court, the "ambassador" of 
our text, was sent from Constantinople, and had an 
interview with Bajazet, whom at first he did not 
recognise, and it was only after he had been washed 
and shaved that he knew his playmate of former 
years. Bajazet's identity having been estabHshed, 
Hassan Agha received orders to put him to death, 
which he did under circumstances of great cruelty, 
his sons, down to an infant of two years, sharing 
their father's fate.^ 

The fate of Bajazet created much interest in 
Europe, partly no doubt from sympathy towards 
the wretched man, but chiefly for its political influ- 
ence, as it was feared that the Sultan, having suc- 
ceeded in extinguishing what might have become a 
formidable conspiracy, would be more haughty and 
difficult to treat with than ever. In Persia, as we 
learn from Jenkinson, it united for the time religious 
differences, and caused great rejoicing among Mu- 
hammadans of all creeds. 

Seeing that he could make no progress in his 
negotiations, and having passed the winter at 

1 In a note to the recent English edition of De Busbecq's letters, 
from which the above particulars are borrowed, the date assigned 
to the death of Bajazet is the 25th September 1561. Jenkinson, 
however, who arrived in Kazvin in October 1562, says that it 
happened a few days before his arrival. (Cf. Life and Letters of 
Ogier Ghiselin de Bushecq. London, 1881, vol. i, p. 381.) 


Kazvin, Jenkinson now prepared to depart. He was 
fortunate in being allowed to do this in safety, for 
it seemed probable at one time that the Shah would 
serve him in the same way as he had done Bajazet, 
and send his head a present to the Sultan. On the 
20th March he set out on his homeward journey, 
arriving on the 30th at Ardebil, and on the 15th 
April at Jevat, where he had another interview 
with Abdullah Khan, from whom he obtained 
letters of safe conduct, and privileges for the Eng- 
lish merchants. Proceeding to Shemakha, he there 
received a message from Simon, King of Georgia, 
praying that assistance might be sent him, for, 
situated as he was between two powerful Muham- 
madan States, Turkey and Persia, he found himself 
continually involved in their wars, the consequences 
of which were disastrous to his country. Jenkinson 
did his best to open communications with him, by 
sending Edward Clarke to Arash, on the road to 
Tiflis, with orders to enter Georgia, and if possible 
see the King. Clarke, however, was stopped at the 
frontier, and rejoined Jenkinson at Shemakha, the 
two embarking together to return to Russia on the 
21st April 1563. Good fortune seems never to have 
deserted our traveller ; he safely passed all dangers 
by land and sea, and on the 30th May found himself 
once more at Astrakhan. Here he was provided with 
the same escort as before, 100 gunners or strelitzi, 
reaching Kazan on the 15th July and Mosco on the 
20tli August, with all his goods and valuables, both 
for the Tsar's account as well as for the Company. 


For the Tsar he brought precious stones and wrought 
silks of various colours and kinds ; for the Company, 
raw silk and dye-stuffs, besides other merchandise, 
all of which were laden in the Company's ships, 
and despatched to England the same year. 

Jenkinson stayed the winter at Mosco, despatching 
Edward Clarke overland to England with advices. 
He in the meantime prepared a second expedition 
to Persia, which he committed to the charge of 
Alcock, Wren, and Cheinie. 

A short account of this voyage is preserved in 
Hakluyt's collection, written by Cheinie. From this 
it appears that he and Alcock started from Yaro- 
slavl on the 10th May 1563 (1564?) and arrived 
at Astrakhan on the 24th July. On the 2nd of 
August they departed from Astrakhan, entered the 
Caspian on the 4th, and arrived at their port in 
Media (probably Bilbil) on the 11th of the same 
month. On the 21st they were at Shemakha, where 
they were well entertained by Abdullah Khan. On 
the 20th October Alcock started for Kazvin, leaving 
Cheinie behind at Shemakha to collect debts, in 
which, however, the latter appears to have been 
unsuccessful. Upon Alcock's return from Kazvin, 
Cheinie went to meet him at Jevat. Alcock now 
pressed the King for payment of debts owed by his 
" dukes". But the King was displeased at the death 
of a Muhammadan, caused by a Russian merchant, and 
Alcock, finding that matters were looking serious, de- 
sired Cheinie to depart for Shemakha with all such 
goods as he (Alcock) had bought at Kazvin. Cheinie 


reached Shemakha in safety, hut, on the third day- 
after his arrival, learned that Alcock had heen 
murdered on his way to join him. Seeing that he 
was alone, and that the Russian merchants were 
hastening to leave the country, fearing the conse- 
quences of their countryman's imprudent act, Cheinie 
also made all the haste he could, and sent his mer- 
chandise to the seaside. He himself continued to 
reside at Shemakha six weeks longer, and after 
much ti^-ouhle succeeded in recovering 1,500 roubles 
of the debts. Cheinie throws out sundry imputa- 
tions against Glover s honesty, and concludes by a 
pitiful appeal to the Company to see him righted, 
for he had suffered much in their service, and had 
sown the seed while others had reaped the harvest. 

The succeeding four voyages to Persia, from Hak- 
luyt's collection, are given in the Appendix. Arthur 
Edwards describes the third voyage in three letters 
to the Russia Company. The first of these is dated 
from Yaroslaf, on the 15th May 1565, and refers to 
the preparations for the journey, the appointment 
of Johnson, formerly companion of Jenkinson, as 
chief, and the fitting out of a small barque, made 
after the English style, for the navigation of the 
Caspian. In a second letter, written from Shemakha 
on the 26th April 1566, Edwards relates their de- 
parture from Astrakhan and arrival at Nizabad, on 
the coast of Shirvan (now included in the Russian 
government of Baku, but long since abandoned as 
a port, owing to its inconvenience for shipping). 


Having landed their goods, and hauled their vessel 
into a place of security, Edwards, Johnson, and 
Kitchin set out for Shemakha, where they arrived 
on the 11th September, and six days afterwards 
were admitted to the presence of the good Abdullah 
Khan, who had received Jenkinson and Alcock so 
hospitably. To him they presented some rich gifts, 
— a timber of sables, a nest of silver-gilt cups, three 
walrus-tusks, scarlet cloth, etc. These were graci- 
ously received, and the Englishmen were promised 
protection, and asked to make known their wishes 
in writing. But before they had done this Abdullah 
Khan died, and the English lost in him a good friend. 
Firom that time troubles and misfortunes came 
thickly upon them. Losses from death and sickness, 
bad debts, attacks by pirates on the Caspian, and 
robbers on land, together with the disturbed state 
of the country consequent on the wars between 
Turkey and Persia, rendered vain all attempts of 
the agents to establish a trade for the Company in 
Persia, and finally led to their abandonment, — not, 
however, before six expeditions had been sent out. 
The first and second have already been mentioned ; 
we will now continue our account of the third. 
Edwards reached Kazvin, and found the Shah well 
disposed towards the English, and desirous of trad- 
ing with them. Privileges were obtained, exempting 
the English from payment of all customs and tolls, 
and allowing them free access to all parts of Persia 
and the adjoining countries ; justice was to be done 
them, and their debts paid, etc. Yet, not withstand- 


ing that these articles were supplemented on a sub- 
sequent occasion by further grants, the trade did 
not prosper, and it was found that but little respect 
was paid to the Shah's authority in the outlying 
provinces. Edwards heard that the silk industry 
in Ghilan was in a flourishing state, and that alum 
could be bought at a price to make it worth while 
exporting to England. He recommended that com- 
munications should be opened direct with a port on 
the coast of Ghilan (probably Lahijan), seven or 
eight days' sail from Astrakhan, and was sanguine 
of arranging for quick returns thence by inland 
navigation through Russia to the White Sea. 

The record of the fourth voyage is told by Law- 
rence Chapman, whose letter is dated from Kazvin, 
April 28, 1569. His tale differs widely from that 
of his chief, Edwards. Chapman succeeded in bar- 
tering some of the cloth in Tabriz for spices ; but a 
sale made by him to a merchant in Georgia was 
thrown on his hands, and he had no redress, though 
his buyer was a Christian. He found it impossible 
to compete with the Venetians, Turks, and Arme- 
nians, who held the Levantine trade in their own 
hands. At Kazvin, he found no sale for the Eng- 
lish commodities ; and he remarks upon the manifold 
dangers and discomforts of travelling in Persia, 
which led him to prefer, as he quaintly puts it, " to 
continue a begger in England during life, than to 
remaine a rich merchant in this country (Persia)". 
Chapman travelled into Ghilan, and visited the 
chief towns of that rich but pestilential country. 


He found, however, many Turks there, who gave 
him the disingenuous advice of trying Aleppo as a 
market for EngUsh goods. Some further notes on 
this fourth voyage are added by Richard Willes, 
from information supplied by Edwards, whose inter- 
view with the Shah is described at some length. 

A fifth voyage was sent to Persia in 1569, under 
the command of Thomas Bannister, upon whose 
death Geoffrey Duckett took charge. Their party 
consisted of the two agents just mentioned, Lionel 
Plumtree, some twelve Englishmen, and forty Rus- 
sians. They embarked at Yaroslaf, in a barque of 
70 tons burden, named the Thomas Bonaventure, 
probably built expressly for the Persian trade. On 
their voyage down the Volga they were attacked by 
the Nagay Tartars, who were in league with the Krims 
then about to invade Russia, and only succeeded in 
beating off their assailants after two hours' hard 
fighting, in which the English plied their calivers 
(muskets) so well, that 120 of the Tartars were re- 
ported to have been placed hors de combat, but 36 out 
of 41 men were killed and wounded on their own side.^ 
At Astrakhan they were witnesses of a great invasion 
of Turks and Tartars, sent by Sultan Selim II to 
take Astrakhan, or at all events establish the Otto- 
man power in Southern Russia, — a design com- 
pletely frustrated by the stubborn defence of the 
small Russian garrison in that town, as well as by 
the divided counsels among the besiegers them- 

1 Bannister to Cecil, Cal S. P., For. Eliz., 1569-71, No. 813. 


selves, who retired to Azof in great disorder. These 
events detained the EngUsh six weeks at Astrakhan, 
and it was only after the departure of the invading 
host that Bannister, Duckett, and the rest were 
ahle to proceed on their voyage, only reaching their 
port, Bilbil, towards the end of October. Hence 
they repaired to Shabran, a little way inland, and 
then to Shemakha, the capital of Shir van, and the 
great entrepot of trade at that time. They passed 
the winter at Shemakha, and set out for Ardebil 
in the month of April following. Ardebil, held in 
high estimation by the Persians as the burial-place 
of their saints and kings, was the scene of tumult 
and anarchy when the English travellers arrived, 
owing to religious differences between rival sects of 
Muhammadans. In one of their frays, Lionel Plum- 
tree, who appears to have been of a somewhat ven- 
turesome disposition, wishing to see how they fought, 
was twice wounded, but escaped to tell the tale. 
While they were at Ardebil, a messenger arrived 
from the Shah, desiring the Englishmen to go to him, 
and Bannister accordingly proceeded to Kazvin, leav- 
ing Duckett sick at Ardebil. Bannister's entertain- 
ment at the Shah's court was everything that could 
be desired, and all his requests were granted, except 
permission to proceed to India, In other respects 
he was successful ; the Shah himself bought much 
of his cloth, and paid him handsomely for it. He 
moreover sent to the English merchants to exchange 
his coin for theirs, assigning as the reason that, as 
he wished to send a sum of money to Mecca, he 


considered their coin, obtained in an honourable 
way, would be more acceptable to the prophet than 
his, which was gotten by dishonest means. 

After spending six months in Kazvin, Bannister 
departed for Tabriz, where he found Duckett, com- 
pletely restored to health. Soon afterwards Bannister 
proceeded to Shemakha, and thence to Arrash, where 
he fell a victim to the malaria for which that place 
is notorious even at the present day. Here, too, 
died Lawrence Chapman and ^ve more English- 
men. These losses, together with the robbery and 
murder of two other Englishmen sent by Duckett 
to bring him intelligence of his colleague, happening 
within the short space of time of five weeks, were 
a severe blow to the Persian enterprise. Duckett, 
however, upon whom the whole responsibility now 
fell, showed himself equal to the emergency. Find- 
ing that the governor of Shemakha would not allow 
him to remove the merchandise, which had been 
seized upon the death of Bannister, without express 
order from the Shah, he journeyed to Kazvin to 
obtain the requisite authority from this sovereign, 
and having obtained this, returned to Shemakha, 
and then made preparations for a journey to Kashan. 
This he successfully accomplished, passing on his 
way, but only briefly alluding to, the imposing re- 
mains of Persepolis, the capital of Xerxes. It is 
interesting to compare his description of Kashan 
with those of modern travellers, and find the accounts 
agreeing in the main. Persia of Elizabethan times 
offers but few points of contrast with Persia of the 
Victorian era. 


Returning once more to Shemakha, Duckett 
passed some further time in various places, buying 
raw silk and other merchandise, and at length, 
on the 8th May 1573, set sail for. Astrakhan. 
His adventures, however, were by no means at an 
end, for after beating about the Caspian for twenty 
days, he was set upon by Cossack pirates, to the 
number of 150. After a gallant resistance and some 
desperate fighting, in which fourteen of the pirates 
were killed and thirty wounded, the English, all of 
whom were wounded, were compelled to make terms 
and surrender their ship. The Cossacks swore on 
their crucifixes to respect their lives, and turned them 
all adrift in a boat with a supply of horse flesh and 
swine's flesh, but no other victuals or relief. In 
this plight the English made the best of their way 
to Astrakhan, where Duckett at once made known 
their condition to the captain (governor) of this 
town. He immediately despatched his son, with 
forty boats and five hundred men, in pursuit of the 
pirates. This force, by good luck, came up with them, 
and might have efiected an easy capture, had they 
not foolishly warned the enemy of their approach 
by sounding their drums. This gave the Cossacks 
time to cut their cables and go off" into deep water, 
where the boats could not follow them. Subse- 
quently, however, many of them were captured, and 
£5,000 worth of goods recovered. The Englishmen 
having regained their strength at Astrakhan, pro- 
ceeded up the Volga, but were caught in the ice in 
October, and their boats cut in sunder, causing the 
loss of much that they had saved. With the re- 


mainder they made their way overland to Vologhda, 
and thence sent it to St. Nicholas. Meanwhile, 
Duckett, Plumtree, and E,iall went to Mosco, where 
the Tsar took pity on them and bought some of 
their goods. After spending the winter in Mosco, 
they departed for St. Nicholas, and embarked in 
August 1574 for England, arriving in London in 
the month of October, after a stormy passage of 
nine weeks. Thus ended this unfortunate voyage, 
which at one time had promised so well for the 

The sixth and last attempt of the Moscovy Com- 
pany to establish a trade with Persia through 
Russia was in 1579-81. The four principal factors 
sent out from England were Arthur Edwards, William 
Turnbull, Matthew Talboys, and Peter Garrard. The 
narrative of their doings is preserved in a letter 
written by Christopher Burrough to his uncle, Wil- 
liam Burrough, who will be frequently mentioned 
in the following pages. ^ Upon their arrival at 
Astrakhan, they learnt that great troubles had 
come upon Persia, — the Turks, with their allies the 
Krim Tartars, having conquered Media, or Shirvan. 
Under these circumstances, and as the season was 
already far advanced, the English decided to pass 
the winter in Astrakhan. They appear to have kept 
a chronicle of the chief events which happened 
during their stay here. Thus, mention is made of 
a total eclipse of the moon on the 31st January 
1580; of a great fire at the Tartar yurt, about three- 
'- See pp. 254,256. 


quarters of a mile from Astrakhan ; and other re- 
markable phenomena and events. In the spring of 
the year news reached Astrakhan that the Queen 
of Persia (wife of the blind King Khodabendeh, 
son of Shah Tahmasp, who had died in 1576) had 
attacked and defeated the Turks in Shirvan ; but 
that Derbend was still held by the Turks. A con- 
sultation of the factors was now held, and they 
determined on prosecuting their voyage, leaving 
Arthur Edwards with half their goods at Astrakhan. 
On the 1st of May, accordingly, they weighed anchor 
and departed, experiencing great difficulty in float- 
ing their large ship over the shallows which obstruct 
the navigation of the Volga delta. It was not till 
the 15th May that they were clear of the shoals, 
and on the 17th they bore ofi* to sea and reloaded 
their ship, — for they had been obliged to lighten her 
in order to pass the shallows. On the 27th they 
saw land about three leagues from them, and, sailing 
between some rocks called Barmak tash and the 
coast, passed their port of Bilbil, where they should 
have put in but could not, probably because their 
ship drew too much water. Sailing along the coast 
they came to Bildigh, in the north-west corner of 
the peninsula of Apsheron, only one day's journey 
on foot from Baku. Here they anchored, and spoke 
with some natives, who confirmed the reports which 
had reached them at Astrakhan : Derbend was gar- 
risoned by Turks, commanded by a Turkish pasha ; 
Shemakha was destroyed, and but few inhabitants 
left in it. Under these circumstances it would have 


been a hopeless task to try and enter Persia with 
their goods, so they determined to open communica- 
tions, if possible, with the Turkish pasha. With 
this object in view, they sent a messenger to Baku, 
who brought back word the following day that the 
captain (governor) of Baku had received him well, 
and would himself visit them. Preparations were 
made for the reception of this officer, who arrived 
with an escort of thirty soldiers, clad in shirts of 
mail, with gauntlets of silver and steel, fair to 
behold. The factors received him in a tent they 
had erected on shore, and, after an interchange of 
friendly salutations, gave him some rich presents, 
which were gratefully accepted. They then re- 
quested that they might be allowed to go to Der- 
bend. This was acceded to ; and as the road thither 
was dangerous, the officer said he would first send 
to that city and notify the pasha of their arrival, 
specifying the goods they had brought, and what 
they proposed to take in exchange. But he asked 
for a hostage, as, in case they went away, he might 
lose his head. Peter Garrard offered himself as 
hostage, and he was accompanied by an interpreter 
for the Persian language, and by Christopher Bur- 
rough, who spoke Kussian. They were taken to a 
village about ten miles from the seaside, where 
they were well treated. The following morning, 
TurnbuU, Talboys, and Thomas Hudson, master of 
the ship, joined them, and they all went to Baku, 
and from thence to Derbend, travelling thither not 
by the ordinary roads, for they were dangerous, but 


through woods. They were well received by Osman 
Pasha at Derbend, and given leave to trade. By 
his invitation they brought their ship from Bildigh 
and anchored her opposite Derbend, where they 
unloaded her ; but finding no great sale for their 
wares, they sent some in a small boat to Baku. Here, 
too, little could be done, and an attempt to open com- 
munications with Shemakha nearly proved fatal to one 
of the party. The factors, in the meantime, learn- 
ing that the leaky condition of their barque made it 
doubtful if she would carry them back to Astrakhan, 
purchased a vessel called a buss, of thirty-five tons 
burden, of an Armenian. This vessel was lying off an 
island near Bildigh, and they wrote to those of their 
company at Baku to receive and load her with 
such goods as they could buy there. Hardly was 
this done when a storm arose, cables and hawsers 
were broken, and their newly purchased vessel driven 
ashore and dashed to pieces on the rocks. All on 
board and part of the cargo were saved, but a chest 
of gold bullion and several bales of cloth were lost. 
About this time, the pasha at Derbend, having 
received treasure to pay his soldiers, changed his 
manner towards the factors, who were suddenly 
ordered to leave the town. 

By the 3rd October they were ready to set sail 
for Astrakhan, when they received news of the ship- 
wreck of their buss at Bildigh, and that their com- 
panions whom they had intended to leave behind 
were on their way to join them. This detained them 
some days longer on the coast ; and by the time all 


had joined the ship, including two Spaniards taken 
prisoners by the Turks, the season was far advanced. 
Contrary winds and stormy weather again delayed 
them, so that, before reaching the four islands (the 
Cheteri Bugri of the Eussians), their vessel wascaught 
in the ice, and drifted helplessly to and fro. Mean- 
while they were reduced to great straits for want of 
provisions, and famine was staring them in the face, 
when the much-needed help arrived from Astra- 
khan, measures having been taken by the governor 
of that town to rescue them. At length they all 
arrived there in safety, after going through many 
hardships, accidents, and adventures. They remained 
the winter at Astrakhan, experiencing kind treat- 
ment from the governor and all the officials. In the 
following spring they set out on their voyage up the 
Volga, taking with them the goods they had pur- 
chased in Shirvan. That summer they embarked for 
England, arriving in London in September 1581. 

Thus ended the sixth and last attempt of the 
Muscovy Company to establish a trade with Persia 
through Russia. 

On the 9th July 1564 Jenkinson embarked for 
England on board the Swallow, the same vessel in 
which he had sailed for Bussia, and arrived safely in 
London on the 28 th September, after an absence of 
more than three years. 

He had ventured his life freely for his employers, 
and had satisfaction in finding that his services were 
appreciated, for in the next gharter of privileges his 


name appears as a member of the Company for 
which he had hitherto acted as agent. 

He was now in great repute among his country- 
men, not only for his remarkable travels, but also 
for the goodwill he had gained by his tact and dis- 
cretion among the foreign potentates with whom he 
had had relations. Owing to him the affairs of the 
Muscovy Company showed a marked improvement ; 
and in a letter from Henry Lane, published in 
Purchas, he says that the year of Jenkinson^s return 
to England, after his journey to Bokhara, was the 
first in which their ships had returned without loss 
or accident of any kind. He had already (before his 
expedition to Persia) been taken into the public 
service ; for the Queen's letter of recommendation to 
the Tsar mentions this fact, and he was now to be 
emploj^ed in a not less responsible mission nearer 

Before following him, however, to the coast of 
Scotland, in the autumn of 1565, let us see what 
he was doing in the spring of that year. The desire 
to discover a short sea route to Cathay was very 
great about the middle of the sixteenth century, and 
continued to absorb the minds of the leading spirits 
in Europe. 

The Spaniards and Portuguese had doubled the 
southernmost capes of both hemispheres, and met 
at the Spice Islands on the opposite side of the 
globe. Their navigators, braving every danger and 
privation, had crossed both oceans and traced the 
coast-line of two continents. The wealth of the 


East and West Indies was within their grasp. Three- 
fourths of the unknown world had by these means 
been discovered. One-fourth yet remained ; the 
northern parts of America, where Enghshmen, led 
by Italians, had first set foot ; and the famous region 
of Cathay, towards which they had been striving 
since Willoughby sailed in 1553 into the Arctic Sea. 
Several years had elapsed since the last efforts had 
been made, during which, thanks to the Russian 
trade, English navigators were being trained in 
northern voyages, and it was time to renew the 
attempts, and not allow the laurels of Arctic enter- 
prise to be snatched from their grasp. Such were 
the arguments used by Jenkinson, in a petition 
addressed to the Queen, dated the 31st May 1565. 
His own journeys, and the information collected by 
himself and others, convinced him of the possibility 
of navigating the Polar Seas and opening the passage 
from west to east, provided that the right time of 
year were chosen, and every preparation made to en- 
sure success. He ofiered himself to take the lead, and 
was ready to venture life and fortune in the service 
of his country. To enter into the merits of the rival 
schemes of Cathayan enterprise, as they were dis- 
cussed by Jenkinson, Gilbert, and others, would be 
beyond our purpose, and we must now allude to his 
services on the coast of Scotland in the autumn of 
1565, in the interval between his return from Persia 
and his third journey to Russia. The account is 
derived from documents preserved at the State 
Paper Office. 


The narrow seas between the British Isles and the 

Continent swarmed with privateers, who were the 

terror of peaceable merchantmen. 

" English merchants and English gentlemen", says Lindsay, 
in his Merchant Shipping (vol. ii, p. 112), "whose estates lay 
contiguous to the sea coast, or on the creeks and navigable 
rivers, fitted out vessels as traders, under vague and question- 
able commissions, and sent them forth heavily armed to 
plunder on the high seas whatever ships, including not un- 
frequently those of their own countrymen, they might con- 
sider worthy of their prey." 

The Spanish shipping was the chief object of 
attack, but France fared equally badly, even after 
the declaration of peace with that country ; and 
frequent complaints were made by Philip of Spain, 
Catherine de Medicis, and her son Charles IX, at 
the losses sustained by their subjects. Elizabeth 
became at length herself alarmed at' the lawlessness 
of these so-called privateers, and took measures to 
suppress them. One of the vessels commissioned 
for this purpose, the Ayde, of 200 tons burden, 
carrying eighteen guns, left Queenborough on the 
17th September, under Jenkinson's command. 
Besides his orders to stop pirates he had secret 
instructions to prevent Bothwell and other Scottish 
lords from landing in Scotland ; and, doubtless with 
this object in view, he sailed at once to the Firth of 
Forth. On arriving at Berwick, however, he learned 
that Bothwell had already effected a landing, and he 
therefore fell back upon his commission to sweep the 
sea of rovers. In pursuance of this he captured the 
vessel of one Charles Wilson, who was sailing under 


letters of marque granted by the King of Sweden, 
and had probably been engaged in piracy. Happening, 
however, to arrive off Berwick at the critical time of 
the disturbances in Scotland consequent upon Mary's 
marriage with Darnley, Wilson was employed by the 
Earl of Bedford, Governor of Berwick, to wait for 
Both well, whom he missed, but captured the Earl of 
Sutherland ; and having rendered this service, was 
desired to hold his ship in readiness to transport 
the Countess of Moray, whose husband had taken a 
leading part in the conspiracy against Mary, to a 
place of safety, as she was shortly expecting her con- 
finement. Bedford had given Wilson his licence, and 
warned Jenkinson not to interfere with him. Never- 
theless, Jenkinson apprehended Wilson under his 
warrant, and took his ship to England. On learning 
this, the Earl of Bedford wrote wrathfully to the 
Lords of the Privy Council, making serious charges 
against our traveller, designating him as " that vile 
man who had so traitorously sought to deface him", 
and complaining " that never was any so abused by 
a villain as he had been by Jenkinson". Whether 
this outbreak of anger seriously affected Jenkinson 's 
character does not appear, for nothing further is 
recorded of his service in the Ayde. 

Not many months after, the Eussia Company, 
having received a new charter from Queen Eliza- 
beth, again required his services, and memorialised 
the Queen that he should be sent on another mission 
to the Tsar, to intercede in their behalf in the follow- 
ing matter. 


Kaphael Barberini, an Italian of high birth and 
good connections, had entered Russia, and by his 
abihties and talents had made so favourable an 
impression on the Tsar as to obtain facilities of trade 
and other privileges for himself and his countrymen. 
The English Company believed this to be injurious 
to their interests, and were therefore anxious that 
Jenkinson should use every endeavour to obtain his 
dismissal. This commission was rendered the more 
difficult owing to the circumstance of Barberini 
having been strongly recommended to the Tsar by 
the Queen herself, as one who, though an Italian, was, 
for certain reasons, very dear to her. Jenkinson was 
directed to say that Barberini had obtained his cre- 
dentials under false pretences, and was therefore not 
to be trusted. He was, moreover, to pray for a con- 
tinuance of past favours, and especially that the 
monopoly of the White Sea trade, hitherto enjoyed 
by English merchants, might not be interfered with 
by any other foreigners. 

Jenkinson sailed from London on the 4th May 
1566, in the Harry, a ship belonging to the Com- 
pany, and arrived at St. Nicholas on the 10th July. 
Travelling overland by post, he reached Mosco on 
the 23rd August, and on the 1st September was 
received in audience by the Emperor, to whom he 
delivered the Queen's letters and presents. He was 
again successful in obtaining all that was required. 
A new charter was granted by the Tsar to the 
Company, extending their privileges, and confirming 
to them the monopoly of the White Sea trade. 


Not only were strangers forbidden to trade to any 
of the ports or estuaries in the north, but even 
Englishmen not belonging to the Company were 
excluded from participating in the traffic ; while 
Barberini left Russia to fight as a common soldier 
under the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands, and 
two years later was ambassador from Kome to 
the Queen of England — a curious instance of the 
vicissitudes of fortune in those days. 

Of Jenkinson's third voyage to Russia only " a 
very brief remembrance" is preserved in Hakluyt. 
This is preceded (p. 189) by a letter from Jenkinson 
to Sir William Cecil, dated from Kholmogori, the 
26th June 1556 ; and is followed by a letter from 
the Governors of the Russia Company to their 
agents, transcribed from a MS. at the British 
Museum (p. 206). In writing to Cecil, our traveller 
gives the latest news that had reached him since 
his arrival in Russia. Hostilities with Poland had 
been suspended, and King Sigismond had sent his 
ambassador to trea tfor peace^ with Ivan, whose rela- 
tions with Sweden were also unsettled at this time. 
Eric XV r, a weak and unprincipled monarch, had 
taken possession of Revel, with Esthonia, and was 
desirous of keeping it in spite of the opposition 

1 Karamsin gives the name of this envoy, Yuri Bonikowsky, and 
says that he was thrown into prison by the Tsar in retaliation for 
insults offered by Sigismond to the Russian boyards, and only 
released after seven months, when he was told to take back the 
message that the Tsar was now ready to make peace. {Karam- 
sin^ ix, pp. 144-8.) 


of Denmark. To conciliate the Tsar, he entered 
into an infamous treaty to surrender to him his 
sister-in-law, Catherine, sister of Sigismond, the vir- 
tuous and beautiful wife of John, Duke of Finland. 
The Swedes, however, would not allow this treaty 
to be ratified, and shortly afterwards murdered 
Eric.^ Jenkinson also alludes to the various cruelties 
practised by the Tsar on his boyards and subjects, 
and some of the particulars he gives are confirmed 
by Edward Webbe, a boy only twelve years of age, 
who accompanied him as personal attendant. 

The journey of Southam and Sparke from Khol- 
mogori to Novgorod, through Karelia (p. 190), helps 
to fill the gap caused by the meagreness of Jenkin- 
son's narrative. Sparke, whose name occurs in the 
first list of the members of the Muscovy Company, 
afterwards undertook a journey to Persia in 1568,^ 
and, having safely returned from that country, met 
with his end at the burning of Mosco in 1571. 
These two Englishmen started from Kholmogori 
about the 20th July, in a lodia or barque, and 
descending the Dwina, anchored off the monastery 
of St. Michael the Archangel. The following day 
they dropped down the river to St. Nicholas, and, 
coasting along the south shore, passed Una bay, 
afterwards memorable for having afforded shelter 
to Peter the Great when caught in a storm. On 
the 30th July they reached the island monastery 
of Solovetsky, where they obtained from the monks 
letters of recommendation and a guide. It is worthy 
^ Karamsin, ix, 154. * Infra, p. 408. 


of remark that their visit to Solovetsky occurred 
about the time of the appointment of Philip, its 
abbot, to the primacy of the Russo-Greek Church. 
On the 1st August they took their departure from 
the monastery, and laid their course for Soroka bay, 
into which the Vyg discharges. Ascending this 
river in light boats, which they had occasionally to 
drag overland to avoid falls and rapids, they reached 
Voitsk, a place celebrated towards the end of the 
eighteenth century for having yielded the first gold 
discovered in Russia. From Lake Voitsk they 
crossed by land to Lake Vyg, where, after arrang- 
ing for boats and men to conduct them in safety 
to Povenets, on Lake Onega, their guide left them. 
They reached this town on the 10th August, finding 
that by the route they had come no merchandise 
could be transported either in summer or winter, 
but that a second route from Povenets to Suma 
was practicable in winter. From Lake Onega to 
the Baltic there are no obstacles to navigation, and 
here they must have found their journey easy and 
agreeable. They sailed down Lake Onega, entered 
the river Svir, which flows out of it, and followed 
its course to Lake Ladoga. Crossing a bay of this 
lake to the mouth of the Volkhof, they found them- 
selves on the old trade route of the people of Nov- 
gorod, where they bartered with the merchants of 
the Hansa League ; and the places mentioned by 
them on the Volkhof had been connected with the 
earliest direct intercourse of Russians with the west 
of Europe. They arrived at Novgorod on the 30th 


August, where they found WilHam Eowley, the 
newly-appointed chief agent of the Company, pre- 
vented by the plague, then raging there, from pro- 
ceeding further. This journey of Southam and 
Sparke, accomplished in a little over six weeks, 
deserves to be better known. 

Further light is thrown on the proceedings of 
Jenkinson and the English in Russia by the letters 
from the Governors of the Russia Company. In 
1557 they write to their agents : — 

" Also we haue sent you one Anthonie lenkinson, gentle- 
man, a man well trauelled, whom we mind to vse for further 
trauelling, according to a commission deliuered him, sub- 
scribed by Master Anthonie Huse and others. Wherefore 
we will you deliuer him one or more of such painfull (i.e. 
painstaking) young men as he shal thinke meetest for his pur- 
pose, and likewise such money and wares as he shal think 
best to take with him. He must haue fourty pounds a yere, 
for foure yeeres, to be paid him by the halfe yeere, or as he 
wil demaund it of you, so let him haue it from Easter last." 
(HakL, 1599, vol. i, p. 302.) 

In 1560 they write that they have — 

" a further hope of some good trade to be found out by 
Master Antonie lenkinson, by reason we doe perceiue by 
your letters that raw silke is as plentifull in Persia as fiaxe 

is in Eussia We hope in your next letters to heare 

good newes of the proceeding of Master Anthonie lenkinson. 
We perceiue by his letters that Astracan is not so good a 
mart towne as the fame hath gone of it, and maruell much 
that round pewter should be so good, and good chepe there, 

and from whence it should come If our friend Master 

Antonie lenkinson be returned, and meane to come away in 
these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his trauaile, if 
need require, and he be so minded, he may returne thither 


(i.e., to Eussia) by land, and be there by the fine of lanuarie 
or before. But as we be vncertaine whether he be returned 
or not, so we know not what he hath done nor what benefite 
may arise hereafter of his trauaile. Therefore in this wee 

remit it to his and your good discretions " (ffakl., 

1599, i, 308.) 

Frequent mention, too, is made of Jenkinson, in 
their letter dated in 1567 (Text, pp. 206-25), where 
he is referred to as a person of great experience, 
to whom full authority had been given to arrange 
various matters connected with their business esta- 
blishments ; his advice was to be followed, they 
write, as he " knowith our mindes in all things". 
He had been instructed to obtain leave for the Eng- 
lish to work iron, which was granted to them in a 
later charter; and he gave them good hope of a pro- 
fitable trade in spices, drugs, and silks with Persia. 
He was to be supplied with such money as he required 
"for the atchiving of our sutes and other affaires 
there," and with an interpreter, Ralph Rutter — show- 
ing that he had not mastered the Russian language. 
There is also mention made of a special commission 
having been given him, of which no trace has been 

Dr. Hamel thinks it likely that Jenkinson visited 
England in the winter of 1566-7, to look after the 
Tsar's commissions ; and this supposition appears 
to be borne out by the arrival in Russia, in the 
summer of 1567, of Dr. Reynolds; Thomas Carver, 
an apothecary ; Humphrey Lock, an engineer ; and 
other professional men, for the Tsar's service ; it is 


also partly confirmed by the incidental allusions to 
him in the Governors' letter. Writing to the Queen 
in September 1567, Ivan thanks her for acceding 
to his requests, and for her letter by Anthony Jen- 
kinson. This letter, dated 18th May 1567, appears 
to have been seen by Hamel,^ though we have not 
come across it, and leads to the presumption that 
Jenkinson went overland to England in the winter 
of 1566, conferred with Cecil and others about the 
affairs of the Tsar and the Russia Company, and 
returned the following spring to Eussia, perhaps by 
ship, with the Englishmen just named. 

So closely connected with our traveller are the 
affairs of the Eussia Company, that it will not be 
out of place here to give a slight sketch of them. 
Taking their origin in an association known as the 
Merchant Adventurers, formed by Sebastian Cabot, 
to stimulate commercial enterprise in England, and 
follow the example of Spain and Portugal in ex- 
tending their trade to distant countries, the Mus- 
covy, or Eussia Company, as it became generally 
known, received their first charter of inauguration 
in 1555,^ the same year that Eichard Chancellor 
laid the foundation of the English trade with 
Eussia.^ In a State Paper of that year there is a 
list of 207 noblemen, knights, aldermen, etc., forming 
the Eussia, or Muscovy Company,^ and among the 

1 England and Russia, p. 1 77. 

2 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. (Hahl, 1589, pp. 304-9.) 

3 Ibid., pp. 302-4. 

* Cal. S, P., Dom. Mary, add. vol. viii, No. 39, p. 439. Cf. 
MS. Lansd. 141, fols. 343, 352. 



names are those of Sir William Cecil, Sir Eichard 
Sackville, the Greshams, Sir George Barnes, and 
others. Their constitution differed but little from 
that of corporations of the present day, except that 
they had extensive privileges. They might take 
possession of territory lying to the northward, north- 
eastwards, and north-westwards ; they might hoist 
the English flag on lands newly discovered by them ; 
and, in consideration of their successful opening of 

Seal of the Russia Company, 

intercourse with Russia, they were granted the 
exclusive right of trading with that country, as well 
as any other they might afterwards discover. 

Their first Governor was Sebastian Cabot, ap- 
pointed for the term of his life ; four consuls^ and 

^ Howell says : " The marchaiits of Russia were incorporated 
by Edward 6, and confirmed by Queene Elizabeth ; they haue also a 
fair Coat with this motto, ''God he our good guide " {Londinopolis, 
p. 42). The names of the first four consuls were Sir George Barnes, 


twenty-four assistants, elected every year from "the 
most sad, discreete, and honest persons of the saide 
fellowship", formed the board of direction. A fixed 
fee, payable on admission, secured to any person who 
might wish to join the freedom of the association ; 
but the risks were divided into shares, each member 
participating according to the amount of his con- 
tribution.^ They had the right of imposing fines 
and penalties for any infringement of their statutes, 
and these became enforceable by law. 

It is not our purpose to write an exhaustive his- 
tory of the Russia Company, but merely glance at 
its affairs in the early period of its existence. Con- 
sidering the important part taken by commerce in 
our first intercourse with Russia, some mention 
must be made of it, in order to enable the reader to 
follow the proceedings of Jenkinson and the other 
travellers whose narratives are given in the text. 

Commerce entered largely into our first relations 
with Eussia. It was to find new markets for Eng- 
lish commodities that Willoughby's ships sailed 

Sir William Garret (Gerrard), Aldermen of London; Anthony 
Hussey, and John Southcot. 

^ In later times, when the Company lost its monopoly of the 
Russian trade, and this was thrown open to all, the payment of a 
fee on admission constituted the whole obligation of its members. 
Their funds, chiefly raised by a small tax on articles of Russian 
produce imported into England, were then devoted entirely to the 
maintenance of chapels according to the rites of the English Epis- 
copal Church at St. Petersburg and Mosco, and in defraying the 
salaries of the British consular agents. These, too, have lately 
been taken off their hands, so that the Company exists now merely 
by virtue of its funds accumulated in former years. 


from our shores ; Chancellor's accidental discovery 
of Russia led immediately to the formation of the 
Russia Company ; while the journeys of Jenkinson, 
Southam, and Sparke, and other Englishmen, were 
chiefly directed towards the opening of new routes 
by which trade might pass. 

It was originally intended that the benefits 
arising from this intercourse should be mutual.^ 
Russian merchants were to have the same privileges 
and protection in England that Englishmen were 
to enjoy in Russia. But circumstances forbade this 
ever taking effect. The Russian merchant was a 
man of no education. He was a mujik, or boor, 
almost beneath the contempt of the military caste, 
of which Russia was, and still is, composed. The 
English merchant, on the other hand, belonged to 
the highest classes in the land, and w^as in every 
way superior to the Russian. But even if this 
obstacle to a free interchange had not existed, there 
were other causes to prevent the Russian merchant 
from engaging in commerce on equal terms with the 
English. Russians owned no ships fit to sail across 
the seas on long voyages ; their only vessels were the 
two-masted lodia, used in the coasting trade, which 
carried large square sails for sailing before the wind, 
and twenty oars. Russians had no taste for a sea- 
faring life, and understood nothing about nautical 
science ; hence they could only export merchandise 

1 Philip and Mary to Ivan {Cal. S. P., For., 1557, No. 595). 
Cf. Cal. Cecil MSS. p. 146, No. 547. 


in foreign vessels, and these were chiefly EngUsh in 
the early years of the White Sea trade. 

These circumstances appear in the first letter 
written by the Governors of the Russia Company 
to their agents in Russia, sent with the John Evan- 
gelist in 1557 : — 

" Take heede howe you haue to doe with him (Napea) or 
with any such, and make your bargaines plaine and set them 
downe in writing. For they (the Eussians) bee subtill 
people and doe not alwaies speake the trueth, and thinke 
other men to bee like themselues. Therefore we would haue 
none of them to send any goods in our shippes at any time 
nor none to come for passengers, vnlesse the Emperour doe 
make a bargaiile with you as aforesaid, for his owne person." 
{HakL, 1599, i, 301.) 

Hence the Russians, deterred from being on an 
equal footing with the English, remained in their 
own country, where they entertained these foreign 
guests^ of the Tsar in a befitting manner. They 
helped them to establish factories, and supplied 
them with the products of their own country, re- 
ceiving in exchange English goods or money. 

But if the Russian people derived no benefit from 
the English trade, their sovereign undoubtedly did. 
It supplied him with warlike stores and ordnance, of 
which he stood greatly in need, to make head against 
his enemies, Poland and Sweden on the west, and 
the not less formidable Khan of the Crimea on the 
south. It was the only means of access he had to 
the arts of Western Europe, shut out as Russia 

* " Korabelniye gosti": strictly speaking, naval guests. 


then was from the seaboard of the Baltic by jealous 
enemies. It, moreover, afforded him a means of 
escape should his outraged subjects turn against 
their oppressor and drive him from the throne. 
Lastly, commerce with England secured for him an 
ally, — rather a lukewarm one, it must be admitted, 
but nevertheless one who might at all events refuse 
to join a league of the Western Powers against him. 
These considerations gave the Tsar a personal in- 
terest in the English trade, and induced him to 
renew over and over again privileges, the enjoyment 
of which, unaccompanied as they were by reciprocal 
advantages to his own people, were very one-sided. 
Englishmen were favoured in every way : their 
houses and lands were included in the Opritchninay 
or reserved portion, as distinguished from the Zem- 
shina^ or national portion, — two arbitrary divisions 
into which the Tsar, in one of his ferocious excesses, 
divided Russia. They paid no customs or tolls of 
any kind. They had liberty to pass through Russia 
and trade with Persia, Media, Bokhara, and other 
countries, without let or hindrance from the Tsar's 
officers, reserving only such wares as were necessary 
for the Imperial treasury, and with the obligation 
to sell and barter for the Tsar in Persia, etc. They 
might sell wholesale in any part of the country, or, 
if they chosOj retail their wares at their house in 
Mosco ; but they might not buy, sell, or barter on 
commission for any Russian merchant. These, and 
other privileges, placed the English nation on a 
1 See text, pp. 269, 270. 


highly favoured footing ; let us see how they pro- 
fited by it. 

The first agents of the Eussia Company, Richard 
Gray and George Killingworth, afterwards joined 
by Henry Lane, had not been idle. By the year 
1557 they had established three factories at Khol- 
mogori, Vologhda, and Mosco. " And because we 
doe perceiue the countrey to be large, and that you 
have three households", write the Governors in that 
year, " we doe appoint Henry Lane to be one of our 
agents, and to joyne with you in all your doings, and 
to have like authoritie and power as you, George 
Killingworth and Richard Gray, haue . . . "^ 

Kholmogori was the great resort of merchants in 
the north in those days, as Novgojod was in the 
south-west, and as the Island of Merchants was in 
the east before the taking of Kazan. To Khol- 
mogori came the Lapps, the idol-worshipping Samo- 
yedes with their reindeer sledges, the Karelians, the 
Russians, and the Tartars. They brought salt, 
stockfish, salmon, train oil, feathers, furs, and walrus- 
teeth from the shores of Lapland and Kola, from 
Pinega, Mezen, and Pechora, from Nova Zemlia and 
the distant Obi. These wares were carried by 
the Russians to Mosco and Novgorod, partly for 
home consumption and partly to barter with the 
Dutch, who traded at Novgorod for cloth, tin, copper 
utensils, etc. Kholmogori was 100 versts, or about 
seventy miles, from the seaside, where the ships 
discharged. " Methinks", said the Russian chan- 
' HaU., 1599, i, 298. 


cellor to the English agents in 1555, "you shall do 
best to have your house at Colmogro, which is but 
100 miles (versts) from the right discharge of the 
ships, and all our marchants shall bring all our 
marchandise to Colmogro to you."^ 

The establishment of the English at Kholmogori, 
and their annual voyages to the Dwina, gave an 
entirely nev^ direction to the trade. Instead of 
being carried to Novgorod, the merchandise could be 
sold on the spot, warehoused till spring, and, with 
the opening of navigation, sent down the river in 
lighters to be loaded on the ships at St. Nicholas. 
Kholmogori, therefore, was the chief depot or fac- 
tory of the Russia Company. Here were the resi- 
dences of their agents, servants, and apprentices, 
their warehouses, offices, ropewalk, etc. '* Colmo- 
gro", says Randolph, who visited it in 1568, 

" is a greate towne builded all of wood, not walled, but 

scattered house from house In this towne the 

Englishmen haue landes of their owne giuen them by the 
Emperour, and faire houses with offices for their commoditie 
very many." (Text, p. 245.) 

Next in importance to Kholmogori came Vologhda, 
at the head of an upper tributary of the Dwina, 
1,000 versts (about 700 miles) from Kholmogori, and 
united with it by a navigable water-way. Here the 
English had another house where they might buy 
and lay up wares for their ships in the event of the 
Russians not bringing enough to Kholmogori ; the 

» Ilakl, 1599, i, p. 264. 


district round Vologlida producing hemp and flax in 


" If our merchants do desire to know the meetest place of 
Enssia for the standing house, in my opinion I take it to be 
Vologhda, which is a great towne standing in the heart of 
Eussia, with many great and good towns about it. There is 
great plentie of corne, victuals, and of all such wares as are 
raised in Eusland, but specially flaxe, hempe, tallow, and 
bacon ; there is also great store of waxe, but it commeth from 
the Mosko." {Hakl, 1599, i, p. 257.) 

Lastly, the Company had their house in Mosco, 
given them by the Tsar, on the Varvarka, in the 
lushkof courtyard, near the church of St. Maxim, 
almost adjoining one inhabited by Nikita Romanof, 
grandfather of Mikhail Feodorovitch, first Tsar of 
the present dynasty. Mosco was not a good place of 
trade. Charges of living there were high, carriage 
from St. Nicholas (1,000 English miles) was ex- 
pensive, and the Moscovites bore the reputation of 
being sharp in their dealings. But it was indis- 
pensable that the Company should have its repre- 
sentative at the Court, not only to provide the 
Emperor, who was himself a trader in wax and 
sables, with all such wares as he might require, but 
to keep a watchful eye on the movements of 
foreigners, and protect the interests of English mer- 
chants. Moreover, letters could be sent overland 
from Mosco, vid Smolensk and Poland, to advise 
the Company in London of the state of their affairs, 
and what quantity and kind of goods should be 
shipped in the following spring. Letters of import- 
ance and secrecy sent this way were in cipher. 


In the year 1557 the Russia Company sent its first 
large shipment of English cloths. 

" You shall receiue out of the said good ships .... these 
kinds of wares following, all marked with the general marke 
of the Company as foUoweth : 25. fardels, containing 207. 
sorting clothes, one fine violet in graine and one skarlet, and 
40. cottons for wrappers .... more, 500. pieces of Hamp- 
shire kersies, that is, 400. watchets, 43. blewes, 53. reds, 15. 
greenes, 5. ginger colours, and 2. yelowes, which cost the first 
penny 4.^^. 6.s, the piece; & 3. packes containing 21. cottons 

at 10.5. the packe More, 9. barrels of Pewter of 

Thomas Hasels making, etc " {HakL, 1599, i, 297.) 

Their cargoes also consisted of sugar, tin, lead, 
copper, brimstone, etc. 

Some idea of the prices realised for these wares 
may be formed by the letter of Christopher Hudson, 
an active agent of the Company during seven years 
in Mosco, Yaroslavl, Nijny Novgorod, and other 
places ; he says it was not an uncommon thing to 
sell for double the cost price, or a profit of two hun- 
dred per cent.^ 

The exports from Russia at this time were wax, 
tallow, train oil, flax, a small quantity of linen yarn, 
a few furs, — viz., martens, minivers, and minkes, — 
cables, and ropes. Bulky articles, such as hemp and 
feathers, would not bear the high freight the Com- 
pany were compelled to pay — £4 per ton. As for 
sables and rich furs, " they be not every man's 
money", write the Governors in 1557 ; and in a sub- 
sequent letter to their agents in 1567, they state 
that there had been a proclamation in England 
1 See Ilainel, p. 126. 


against wearing furs, and therefore they would have 
no more sent them. 

Russian produce was sold in London at the follow- 
ing prices : flax at 285. and 305.; wax, £3 135. id, 
to £4, and tallow, 185. the cwt.; ox hides, 35. 4c?., 
and elk hides, 65. Sd. apiece ; train oil, £10 the ton; 
yarn, lid. the lb.; tarred ropes, 185 , and hemp, 125. 
the cwt. In order to have a correct idea of their 
corresponding values at the present time, the above 
prices should be multiplied by six. 

Notwithstanding the fair auspices under which 
the Russia Company started, its high patronage at 
home, the favour shown it by the Tsar, and the 
activity of some of its agents, like other privileged 
and favoured bodies, it was not free from abuses, 
and these nearly brought about its ruin. Stringent 
instructions were sent out to the agents for the 
regulation of their establishments, and the efiicient 
control of the staff of salaried servants or clerks, 
and apprentices. 

"Also we doe send you in these ships ten young men that 
be bound Prentises to the Company, whom we will you to 
appoynt euery of them as you shall there finde most apt and 
meete : some to keepe accompts, some to buy and sell by your 
order and commission, and some to send abroad into the 
notable cities of the countrey for vnderstanding and know- 
ledge. And we will you send vs aduertisement from time to 
time as well of the demeanours of our Prentices which we doe 
send now, as also pf such other as be already there with you. 
And if you finde any of them remisse, negligent, or otherwise 
misuse themselues, and will not be ruled, that then you doe 
send him home, and the cause why." {RaJcL, 1599, i, 299,) 


Frequent complaints seem to have been made on 
this score. In 1567 the Governors write that the 
charges of housekeeping were double as much as 
they had been wont to be, and this caused them "to 
judge a riotousnes, remisnes, and idlenes of our 
servuntes"; they desired, therefore, Master Jenkin- 
son and the agents " to make a frugall proportion of 
fare per man in every house, and a comandement to 
be giuen not to exceed", etc. They understood that 
their servants and stipendiaries were accustomed to 
give wine and meat to comers and goers to their 
houses; this was to be discontinued, for they knew it 
to be the custom of the country not to welcome 
with wine, "except we haue brought vp this corrup- 
tion", they add ; " therefore, if this typling be not 
left we will send no more wyne. ..." Various other 
charges were brought against their employes of a 
more serious kind, — " if they do not amende, ship 
them home. ..." And 

"It is notorious what excesse of apparell and vtter coun- 
tenance is vsed by our seruuntes ; they ride and goe like 
lordes ; therefore we desire you to reduce them to the vni- 
forinitie of apparell herewith prescribed .... if it be against 
the manner of that countrie, we will make it the manner 
rather than forbeare our money with losse to clothe them in 
veluets or silkes, or maintaine them to ride when we goe 
afoote. We will haue none of our prentises to ride in ye 
townes in any wise, and therefore lett the horses and mares 
be solde " (Text, p. 214.) 

But these were not the only abuses which embar- 
ra,ssed the Company. Their agents were not always 
loyal and trustworthy; they even intrigued with 


the Dutch to overthrow the monopoly, and actually 
induced the Tsar to grant them separate privileges. 
To such a pass had affairs been brought by the pecu- 
lations and dishonesty of Glover and his confederates, 
that Bannister and Duckett write to Cecil, in 1568: 
" If my Lord Imbassador (Randolph) and we had 
not come the holle trayde had bene vtterly ouer- 
throwen" (Text, p. 259). The jealousy excited 
among the States of Europe, as well as the hostility 
shown by Englishmen not belonging to the Com- 
pany, were fruitful causes of trouble, and had it not 
been for the firm support given by the Tsar, and his 
predilection for an English marriage, it is probable 
that the privileges would have been taken away. 
This, at al] events, is the opinion of Christopher 
Burrough, who wrote his views on the Russian trade 
in 1587.^ Burrough recommends abolishing the 
monopoly and encouraging everyone to trade for 
himself, after the manner of the merchant adven- 
turers ; he was also in favour of closing the esta- 
blishments at Mosco and other inland cities, and con- 
centrating the business at the mouth of the Dwina, 
so as to put an end to the evils and corruptions which 
had grown up. Among his other suggestions was 
one, afterwards carried into practice, viz., that of 
having a "preacher" — i.e., clergyman — to keep the 
younger members straight. 

We have spoken of the first agents of the Com- 
pany, but we must not omit mention of the Bur- 
rough brothers, Stephen and William. Stephen, 
* See Supplementary Note. 


father of Christopher, just referred to, sailed with 
Chancellor in his first voyage as master of his 
ship, the Edward Bonaventure, and, therefore, ranks 
among the discoverers of the northern coasts of 
Russia; he, too, explored the White Sea, Lapland, 
and Vaigats. William was also on board the 
Edward Bonaventure in 1553, serving under his 
brother as seaman, and afterwards rendered con- 
spicuous services to the Company as captain of their 
fleets. It was by him that Jenkinson sent Cecil, in 
1566, a present of *'a strange beast called a Loysche", 
— i.e., an elk; and he received the high commenda- 
tions of Randolph in 1568. "To the Master. . . 
William of Borrowe, I am most beholdinge ..." 
(Text, p. 256). William Burrough is the author, 
among other works, of a map, which is reproduced 
in this volume, showing the knowledge of the Eng- 
lish, in his day, of the coasts of the White Sea. 

Neither should Robert Best be passed over in this 
sketch, the " strong and willing Englishman", who 
offered to enter the lists as champion of the English 
cause in a trial at law, described by Henry Lane. 
His services as interpreter were useful to Napea, 
when shipwrecked off the Scottish coast, and to 
Jenkinson in Russia. 

The house of the Russia Company was in Seething 
Lane.^ Here they held their conferences and 
planned their expeditions to the north, north-east, 
and north-west, — for they claimed, and for a long 

* Sir Francis Walsinghara, the celebrated diplomatist in Eliza- 
beth's time, had his residence in Seething Lane. 


time maintained, their right to be the sole pioneers of 
English commerce and colonisation in the northern 
parts of the world. When Narva fell into the hands 
of Russia, and Englishmen not belonging to the 
Company began trading thither, the Company- 
pleaded that it was an interference with their mono- 
poly, and proceeded to exercise the extensive rights 
conceded to them in their charter, by seizing the per- 
sons of such traders and imprisoning them, as well 
as by confiscating their property. They themselves 
opened a trade with Narva, but this was distinct from 
that with the White Sea, and they desired the 
agents to keep the accounts separate (Text, p. 218). 
The Russia Company, apart from its commercial 
affairs, exercised great influence over the diplomatic 
intercourse between Russia and England. Its agents 
were frequently charged with important political 
commissions to the Tsar, and their expenses were 
mostly defrayed by the Company. Richard Eden, 
secretary to Sir William Cecil, in the preface to his 
translation of Cortes's Arte of Navigation, which 
appeared in 1561, alluding to the importance of a 
knowledge of navigation to such as undertook long 
journeys in unknown and strange countries, adds, 
*' as dyd of late Master lenkynson, a worthy e 
gentleman, sette foorthe by you and mainteyned 
at your charges, more lyke an Ambassatoure sente 
from anye Prince or Emperour then from a com- 
panye of marchaunt men", — referring to his first 
journey to Central Asia, for afterwards he was 
^ See page lix. 


actually commissioned by Her Majesty, whilst he 
at the same time represented the Company. Before 
the despatch of an envoy, it was usual for the 
Company to draw up a memorandum of the points 
on which it was particularly desirable that he 
should treat. This was submitted to Cecil, and 
served as a guide for the final instructions. 

Queen Elizabeth herself paid great attention to 
the affairs of the Russia Company, among the mem- 
bers of which were some of her highest dignitaries 
and noblemen. Indeed, the preference shown by 
her for mercantile affairs over what he deemed to 
be far weightier matters of state, made the Tsar 
exceedingly angry, and he took no pains to conceal 
it. Having withdrawn the privileges of the Eng- 
lish, he wrote to the Queen : — 

"And wee had thought that you had beeiie ruler ouer 
your lande, and had sought honnor to your self and proffitt 
to your countrie, and therefore wee did pretend those 
weightie affaires between you and vs. But now wee perceiue 
that there be other men that doe rule, and not men but 
bowers and marchaunts, the wich seeke not the wealth and 
honnor of our maiesties, but they seeke tlieir owne proffitt 
of marchandize." {Infra, p. 296.) 

The Tsar's great grievances were, that the Queen 
had not availed herself of his offers of friendship, 
and had not complied with his requests for a secret 
treaty, communicated through Jenkinson. He had 
offered l\er perpetual friendship and kinship ; he 
wished her to enter into an offensive and defensive 
league against all enemies ; and to join him in 


making war against the King of Poland, who had 
shown his jealousy of the English intercourse with 
Russia. He had asked her for shipwrights and 
mariners, " maisters wich can make shippes and 
sayle them"; and to allow all kinds of artillery and 
war munition to be exported from England for his 
use. But what he required her to swear to per- 
form was, that should either sovereign be obliged to 
leave his or her kingdom, the other would afford 
protection and hospitality. Finally, he desired that 
her answer might be sent by some person of high 
rank, not later than St. Peter's Day, the 29th June, 
in the ensuing year. It was not easy for Elizabeth 
to comply with these requests, however much she 
might desire to retain the Tsar's good graces, for 
the sake of her merchants. She could not, even if 
she felt it, show distrust towards her people, whom 
she believed to be loyally disposed towards herself, 
by entering into any such obligation ; neither would 
her treaties with other Powers — treaties which she 
had inherited from her predecessors on the throne 
— allow her to contract an offensive and defensive 
alliance with the Tsar of Russia. In Randolph's 
instructions he is desired to confine himself to 
general expressions of good-will ; and as to the secret 
treaty, to say that the Queen thought Jenkinson 
must have misunderstood his meaning, for that all 
she had heard of his state led her to believe Ivan 
to be a powerful and wise prince. Nevertheless, 
Randolph was desired to sound him on the subject, 
and learn his mind. 


The Tsar expected Jenkinson, to whom he had 
secretly and confidentially explained his views, to 
return the following year with the *' great ambas- 
sador" he had desired should be sent. But no 
tidings of our traveller reached him, and his disap- 
pointment knew no bounds. Manley and Middleton, 
two messengers sent overland on the Company's 
business, were searched for papers and questioned. 
But they knew^ nothing of Jenkinson's movements, 
and could give the Tsar no satisfactory answer, 
having been only told to say that in the spring of the 
year a special ambassador would come. The reason 
assigned by the Queen, in a later letter, for not hav- 
ing sent Jenkinson in 1568, was that his services 
were at that time being used against her enemies, 
Eum ad vos hactenus non remissimus quod ejus 
opera adversus hostes terra marique utehamur"; and 
Jenkinson himself states, at his interview with the 
Tsar on the 23rd March 1571-2, that the cause of 
his not being sent was that he was " imployed in 
seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes enemies". 
There is nothing in the State pa23ers to show in 
what particular service he w^as employed, — unless, 
indeed, he was engaged in his old ship the Ayde, 
or in the Sivallow, fighting the Spaniards ; for an 
engagement is recorded to have taken place in 
1568 between three of the Queen's ships, the 
Swalloiv, the Ayde, and the Phoenix, with a barque, 
the Antelope, and fourteen Spanish hulks, eight of 
which were captured and brought into the Thames 
by Admiral Holstock.^ But whatever the cause, 

^ Holinshed'rf Chronicle, p. 1211. 


Jenklnson did not go to Russia in 15G8, and the 
negotiations passed into the hands of Thomas Ran- 
dolph,^ a skilful diplomatist, though inexperienced 
in Russian affairs. 

Randolph was well versed in the arts of diplo- 
macy. He had been Queen Elizabeth's confidential 
agent for several years at the court of Mary of 
Scotland, and had shown great skill in maintaining 
his position there, in spite of the part he had been 
called upon to play. The imprisonment of Mary, 
and the ascendency gained by the reformed party 
of Scottish nobles, no longer rendered Randolph's 
presence necessary in Scotland, and he was, there- 
fore, available for other service. Randolph, who held 
the office of Master of the Queen's posts, a title in 
those days probably honorary, was accompanied to 
Russia by George Turberville,^ his secretary, and 
two merchants, Thomas Bannister and George 
Duckett, who were to advise him on all matters 
concerning the Russia Company, whose affairs were 
then in a critical position owing to the disloyalty of 
their agents. Glover, Rutter, Bennet, and Chappell. 
They embarked on board the Harry, at Harwich, 
on the 22nd June, and landed at St. Nicholas, after 
a prosperous voyage, on the 23rd July. Randolph 

1 Randolph was born at Badlesmere, in Kent. He studied at 
Christchurch, Oxford, and became Principal of Pembroke College. 
Many of his letters, relating chiefly to the affairs of Scotland, are 
preserved in the State Paper Office. 

2 Tnrberville wrote his impressions of Russia in verse.— See 
Notes upon Russia, edited by Mr. Major for the Hakluyt Society, 
vol. i, pp. cxlix-clvi. 


paid a visit to the monastery, and describes his 
entertainment by the monks, whose intemperate 
habits and superstition he condemns. A journey by 
boat of five weeks brought him to Vologhda, whence 
he posted to Mosco (500 miles), crossing the Volga at 
Yaroslavl, where he saw a barque of twenty- seven tons 
burden, built by the English for their newly opened 
trade to Persia. The embassy reached Mosco about 
the end of September ; but here they were made to 
feel the displeasure of the Tsar. Though lodged in a 
house built specially for ambassadors, they were 
allowed neither to go out nor to receive visitors, and 
no complaint or prayer obtained them any relaxa- 
tion in the strictness of their imprisonment. The 
Tsar, in excusing to Elizabeth his discourteous treat- 
ment of Randolph, attributes it to the ambassador's 
own stubbornness, for refusing to enter upon the 
subject of his mission with his counsellors before he 
had seen him ; but Count Tolstoi, in his review of 
the early intercourse between England and Russia, 
explains it by the anxiety of Ivan to conceal from 
Randolph the real state of Mosco, which was almost 
daily the scene of his terrible executions. At 
length Randolph received word that the Tsar would 
receive him on the 20th February; and on this day 
the two pristafs, or officers appointed to attend upon 
them, appeared in gorgeous apparel, and mounted 
their own horses to conduct the ambassador to the 
palace. But he was* obliged to hire a horse, while 
his retinue had to submit to the indignity of follow- 
ing on foot. 


Yet another insult was in store, for Randolph. In 
a large hall, passed through by him before reaching 
the audience-chamber, sat a number of grave-look- 
ing personages, sumptuously clad, who took no 
notice of his salute. This affront, however, the 
proud Englishman would not brook, so he covered 
his head and walked up to the place where the Tsar 
awaited him. Everyone expected to see the monarch 
break out into a paroxysm of rage at so audacious an 
act, but, on the contrary, he received Randolph with 
kindness, and assured him of his friendship for the 
Queen. From this time Randolph had nothing to 
complain of in the way he was treated : a magnifi- 
cent repast was sent to his lodging, his allowance 
was increased, and he was received at private audi- 
ences by the Tsar, who conversed with him freely on 
the subject of his embassy, and commended to his 
care one of his noblemen, Andrew Savin, whom he 
appointed as his ambassador to England. 

The correspondence of Bannister and Duckett 
shows how high an opinion they entertained of the 
Russian trade, and what its future might be 
could they only establish it on a sound footing and 
place the management in trustworthy hands. For 
the traitors had not only undermined the confidence 
of the Tsar in the integrity of the Company, and 
procured for themselves precisely the same privileges 
that had formerly been granted to it, but they had 
joined their rivals, the Dutch, who were trying to gain 
an ascendency over the English merchants, in which 
they eventually succeeded.^ It is curious to find an 
^ Cf. Lindsay's Jlislory of Merchant *</iijipuiff, iii, p. 164. 


allusion in this correspondence to an idea entertained 
by the Tsar, of having an English body-guard about 
his person, though nothing further appears to have 
been done in this matter.^ 

Randolph's mission resulted in the renewal of 
the privileges previously granted to the Company. 
Their monopoly was restored ; they were allowed 
to trade in all parts of Russia, and pass through 
it to Persia, Cathay, and other countries customs 
free, without payment of toll or any other imposi- 
tion, the only reservation being their obligation 
to bring their finest wares to the Tsar's treasury, 
in order that a selection might be made of what 
was needed for his use, and to undertake the sale 
or barter of any goods for him. The possession of 
their houses and factories in Mosco and elsewhere 
was confirmed to them, and these were taken out of 
the Zemshiiia^ or national part, and placed under the 
jurisdiction of the Opritchnina, or reserved portion ; 
proving that the Tsar regarded the intercourse with 
England as peculiarly his own affair, apart from the 
nation. Various other privileges were granted to 
them, including the right of coining money at 
Mosco, Novgorod, and Pskof. No English merchant 
was to be allowed to trade with Narva or Ivangorod 
without the Queen's leave, under penalty of forfeit- 
ing his ship ; but other foreigners might freely come 
to Livonia. 

1 Bat the false Dmitri, who usurped the throne upon the death 
of Boris Godunof, is said to have had a foreign body-guard, some 
of whom were English soldiers. (Purchas, His Pilgrimes, ed. 1625, 
vol. iii, p. 762.) 


With these privileges Randolph returned to 
England in the autumn of 1569, upon the whole 
well satisfied with his mission. He was accompanied 
by Savin, by whom the Tsar wrote to the Queen, 
explaining his reasons for having kept Randolph 
waiting so long for an audience, and interceding with 
her for the guilty merchants, Glover, Rutter, and 
Bennet. Savin was, moreover, the bearer of further 
instructions regarding the secret treaty. He was to 
insist upon its being written in Russ, word for word 
according to the copy sent ; and that the Queen 
should kiss the cross in the presence of his ambassa- 
dor, and affix her seal to the document. Lastly, the 
Tsar required that Anthony Jenkinson should be 
sent by the Queen with her great ambassador in 

Elizabeth appointed some of the lords of her Privy 
Council to confer with Savin. Their conference 
lasted nearly a year, from July 1569 to May 1570, 
but led to no result. The English declared that, 
before engaging England in the wars of the Tsar 
with his enemies, the Queen should assure herself of 
the justice of these wars, and try to put an end to 
them by mediation. Savin, on the other hand, 
insisted that the Queen should sign the treaty as 
drawn up, and refused to enter into any discussion 
as to the good faith or justice of his master's acts. 
Matters being in this state, he urged, on the 6th 
May 1570, that he should be allowed to depart, and 
wrote to Cecil with final requests as to the treaty, 
and requiring that Jenkinson might return to 


The discovery of Anthony Jenkinson's will, how- 
ever, at the "Wills Office, Somerset House, was the 
first important clue to his personal history, and has 
thrown a new light upon it, dispelling much of the 
obscurity by which it had hitherto been surrounded. 
In this document (dated in 1610) he is described of 
Ashton, in Northamptonshire, and mention is made 
in it of Sywell, in the same county. A search in 
the Sywell parish registers disclosed some further 
facts relating to him. Here are recorded the 
baptisms and burials of some of his children and 
grandchildren, affording sufficient proofs of his 
having resided at Sywell for some years during the 
latter part of his life. 

Of his parentage and birth we have been unable 
to discover any trace. The registers at St. Botolph's, 
Aldersgate Street, where his house was situate, do 
not go further back than the year 1666 ; and those 
of St. Alphage's, which are as old as 1538, and where 
Sir Rowland Hayward, a governor of the Russia 
Company in Jenkinson's time, was buried,^ have been 
searched in vain. It was the custom in those times 
to send young men intending to follow the profession 
of a merchant to the Levant, to prepare for a mer- 
cantile career, and it is probable, that Chancellor and 
Gray both passed their apprenticeship there.^ Jen- 
kinson's earlier travels, begun in 1546, were under- 
taken with that object. In 1555 he was admitted 
a member of the Mercers' Company by redemption 

* Rememhrancia, City of London, p. 37, note 3. 

^ Sec Arber's First Three English Buoh on America^ p. xvii. 


gratis, — that is to say, without any fine being paid. 
The Mercers' Company, the most ancient of the 
trading companies, took precedence of all, and num- 
bered on its rolls many of the leading citizens, 
Queen Elizabeth, even, having enrolled herself as a 
member ; the words mercer and merchant becoming, 
as commerce extended, synonymous.^ Between the 
Mercers, or Merchants of the Staple, and the Mer- 
chant Adventurers, from whom the Muscovy Com- 
pany originated, there was a close bond of union ; 
hence there is no difficulty in tracing Jenkinson's con- 
nection with the last-named company, among whose 
members were John Marsh, also a mercer. Sir John 
Gresham, elder brother of Sir Thomas, and others. 

In 1557, as we have seen, Anthony Jenkinson, who 
had already acquired a good reputation as a traveller, 
proceeded to Russia for the Muscovy Company, on a 
fixed salary of £40 per annum for three years, and 
with the special object of discovering a new route to 

The next event in his private life which is re- 
corded is his marriage with Judith, daughter of 
John Marsh. The Herald's Visitation of London, in 
which it occurs, was taken in 1568, and this may 
probably be assigned as the year of the marriage ; for 
the names of two daughters, Alice and Mary, which 
appear on the record, may have been added subse- 
quently. Through his wife, Jenkinson became con- 
nected with the Greshams, her mother, whose name 
was Alice, being a daughter of William Gresham, 

* Li/e and Times of iSir T. Greshcuu, vol. i, p. 185. 


she sends her *' Orator and seruant, dear to and 
beloued by vs, Anthony lenkinson", who had been 
employed in the greatest and most secret affairs. He 
would explain all things, and tell the Tsar most truly 
that " no merchants gouern our country, but we 
rule it ourselues in manner befitting a Virgin Queen, 
appointed by the great and good God." And she 
concludes by asking that the privileges may be 
restored to her subjects, and that the Tsar will 
show them the same regard as he had done for the 
last twenty years. 

On the 26th July 1571 Jenkinson arrived at St. 
Nicholas with the two ships, the Swalloiv and the 
Harry, and on landing at Kose Island, immediately 
sent away his interpreter, Daniel Sylvester, to 
Mosco, to inform the Tsar of his coming, and to know 
his pleasure. At Rose Island he heard from the 
Company's agent, Nicholas Proctor, that the Tsar 
was much displeased with him, and that he had said 
that if Jenkinson ventured into his country again, he 
should lose his head. Not a little dismayed by this 
discouraging news, Jenkinson debated with himself 
whether he should go forward or return home with the 
ships. Feeling innocent of any just cause of offence, 
and desirous of being tried, in order to silence the 
enemies who had spread untrue and slanderous reports 
that he was the cause of the Emperor's displeasure 
towards the merchants, though the Tsar's letter 
brought by Daniel Sylvester disproved their asser- 
tion, Jenkinson nevertheless decided on placing his 
life in the power of the tyrant, and proceeding with 


his mission. Accordingly, he took leave of the ships, 
and started on the 29th July for Kholmogori, arriv- 
ing there on the 1st August. Here he v^as obliged 
to remain : for, in consequence of the plague, every 
road v^as guarded, and no one might pass, under 
penalty of death. Here he learned, through the 
Governor of Yologhda, that Sylvester had been 
stopped at Shatsk, and could neither go forward nor 
return, nor communicate with him. The Tsar, it 
was reported, had gone to the Swedish frontier to 
prepare for war ; but this was a piece of bravado on 
the part of Ivan, w^ho was powerless to take the 
field against an enemy, with his country in so 
desperate a condition. Jenkinson now tried send- 
ing another messenger to the Tsar by a circuitous 
route ; but he fared no better than the first, 
narrowly escaping being burnt for attempting 
to force the cordon drawn round the infected 

Till the 1 8th January Jenkinson remained at Khol- 
mogori, receiving, in the meantime, every sign of the 
Tsar's displeasure. No officer was commanded to 
see to his wants, and no allowance was made to 
him, as was the custom of the country for ambas- 
sadors. The people, too, seeing that he was in dis- 
favour, showed him every discourtesy, refusing even 
to supply him with provisions at any price. But at 
length the plague ceased, and, communications being 
restored, an order came from Mosco that he should 
have post-horses and be allowed to proceed to Peres- 
lavl, where he arrived on the 3rd February. Here a 


house was appointed for him, and an allowance of pro- 
visions ; but he was so strictly guarded that he was 
prevented from holding communication with any of 
the English.^ On the 14th March he was summoned 
to court, but, when within three miles of Alex- 
androfsky Sloboda,^ a messenger was sent to the 
officer in charge of him to return to Pereslavl, and 
await there his Majesty's pleasure. This sudden 
change seemed to him most inauspicious, particularly 
as it was generally known that the Tsar had been 
very unsuccessful in his affairs. On the 20th March, 
however, he was again sent for, and on the 23rd 
was admitted to an audience of the Tsar, when he 
kissed hands and presented the Queen's letters and 
gifts, and made his oration. He also presented some 
small gifts from himself, — a silver basin and ewer, 
a looking-glass, and a bunch of ostrich feathers. 
The Tsar then dismissed everyone from the room, 
and spoke to Jenkinson alone. He recited the 
various incidents which had occurred since An- 
thony's last visit to Russia, including Randolph's 
embassy, alleging that the Queen had broken her 
agreement made through Randolph for a treaty 
to be concluded between them. Jenkinson then 
answered fully the various points of the Tsar's 
speech, explaining why he had not been sent with 
the embassy of Randolph, whose conduct in refusing 
to treat with the Tsar's councillors before seeing 

1 This is the only mention of Englishmen being at Pereslavl. 
^ Alexandrof, now the chief town of the government of Vladi- 


the Tsar himself he defended. As to the alleged 
agreement with Randolph, the latter had denied 
having entered into any obligation, saving with the 
approval of the Queen, and had justified himself to 
Savin in England. Therefore, continued Jenkinson, 
either Savin had falsely informed the Tsar, or there 
had been a misunderstanding, owing to the fault of 
the interpreter. He referred the Tsar to the Queen's 
letter, sent by Robert Best, for a true statement of 
the way his ambassador, Savin, had been received ; 
and said that the Queen supposed that the Tsar's 
mind had been prejudiced by Savin's false reports, 
and the evil doings of the traitorous English agents ; 
for he assured him that the merchants of England 
were always ready to serve him in peace or in war, 
and had brought him, by way of Narva, such com- 
modities as were not allowed to be exported to any 
other country in the world. He spoke of the losses 
sustained by the Russia Company, recalled to his 
memory the defeat of the Polish freebooters by their 
ships in 1570, and requested him to restore their 
privileges and allow them to trade as heretofore. 
He also begged that Ralph Rutter, and other dis- agents, who were trying to sow dissension 
between the two courts, might be delivered to him, 
to be sent home. All this the Tsar promised to 
consider after he had read the Queen's letters ; 
but that, as it was now Passion Week, a time 
devoted to prayer and fasting, he must reserve 
his reply ; moreover, he was shortly to proceed 
to Novgorod, about his affairs with Sweden, and 

Ixxxiv TXTT?0DU(T10X. 

could not give Jenkinson an Immediate answer. 
Thereupon a dinner, ready dressed, was sent to 
Jenkinson's lodgings, and the next day he received 
the Tsar's commands to depart immediately for 
Tver, and await his arrival. 

Jenkinson reached Tver on the 28th March, but it 
was not till May 8th that he received the Tsar's com- 
mands to repair to Staritsa, a town about fifty miles 
from Tver. At Staritsa he had an interview, on the 
12th May, with the Chief Secretary, who told him 
that the Tsar's orders were that he should communi- 
cate, in writing, any requests he might have to make 
on behalf of the merchants. This, after a long con- 
ference, Jenkinson did, and handed to the Secretary 
sixteen articles. From these, it is evident that the 
merchants had been hardly dealt with during the 
time they were under the Tsar's displeasure. 
Justice had not been done them ; debts due to 
them had not been paid ; Bannister and Duckett 
had not been allowed to prosecute their journey 
beyond Astrakhan ; and customs had been levied on 
the merchandise of the Company imported from 
Persia, notwithstanding their privilege of free 
transit. These, and several other matters, were 
the substance of Jenkinson's articles. On the 
following day, 13th May, Jenkinson had a second 
interview of the Tsar, who told him that he was 
now well satisfied that the chief cause of his offence 
lay in the failure of Savin's embassy to accomplish 
his wishes, and the misconduct of the Company's 
factors. As to his " princely & secret affaires", he 


had decided to lay them aside for the time, and not 
importune the Queen any further. He would restore 
the Company to its privileges and liberties, and 
make a proclamation throughout his empire to this 
effect. *'And if the Queen", he added, "had not 
sent thee, Anthony, vnto vs at this present, God 
knoweth what we should haue done to the said 
merchants, or whether we would haue called backe 
our indignation." Finally, the Tsar dismissed him, 
with a courteous message to the Queen, in deliver- 
ing which he stood up and took off his cap, bidding 
his son do the same. The next day, full replies were 
given Jenkinson, by the Secretary, to his requests, 
and a letter to the Queen, in which the Tsar in- 
formed her that he had taken the merchants back 
into favour, and would give them a new charter. 
Jenkinson asked that his interpreter, Daniel Sylves- 
ter, might remain behind, to collect the debts due 
to the Company, and receive the new privileges. 
This, however, was not permitted, and Jenkinson 
was obliged to leave without them. But from 
Vologhda he sent a messenger to the Tsar at Nov- 
gorod, to remind him that the privileges had not 
been received, and that Ralph Rutter, whose extra- 
dition he had demanded, might be sent to the 
coast. At Kholmogori he remained a month, in the 
expectation of the return of his messenger, and at 
length, the ships being ready to depart, he set sail 
on the 23rd July, arriving on the coast of Norfolk 
on the ] th September. 

This was Jenkinson's last visit to Russia, where 


his services had been of the greatest use to his 
Queen and country. He had, by conciliating the 
good- will of the Tsar and his people, and by un- 
swerving honesty and tenacity of purpose, gained 
respect for the English name. He had vindicated 
his character from the aspersions thrown on it 
by some of his countrymen. His slanderers were 
silenced ; his triumph was complete. For fifteen 
years he had devoted most of his time to the inter- 
course between England and Russia. From May 
1557, when he first sailed to Russia in the Prim- 
rose, to September 1572, when he returned to 
England from his last mission to that country, he 
had been, with two intervals, — one in 1565, when he 
was employed on the Ayde for a few months, and 
the second from 1567 to 1571, during which we nearly 
lose sight of him, — continually engaged, in a public 
and private capacity, in fostering good relations and 
peaceful intercourse between the two countries. He 
had sown the seed for future generations to reap 
the benefits. "And thus", he concludes, "being 
wearie, and growing old, I am content to take my 
rest in mine owne house, chiefly comforting my 
selfe in that my seruice hath bene honourably 
accepted and rewarded of her Maiesty, and the rest 
by whom I haue been emploied." 

We must now take leave of Jenkinson in his 
public capacity, and present to the reader the few 
details which we have gleaned of his private life. 
These relate almost entirely to his later years, for 
there is nothing to throw light on his earlier history, 


beyond the few particulars he himself gives of his 
travels in Europe and the East, previous to his first 
voyage to Eussia. In his interview with the Shah 
he describes himself thus : " vnto whom I answered 
that I w^as of the famous citie of London, within 
the noble realme of England" (Text, p. 145). In 
the grant of arms {infra) he is described as " citizen 
of London", and in the Herald's Visitation (ih.) as 
*' citizen and mercer". 

The materials for his life are, it must be confessed, 
somewhat scanty. Such notices of him as are to be 
found in biographical dictionaries refer mostly to 
his travels, and but few touch upon his personal 
history. Where they do, they are generally at 
fault. Thus, in Ersch's Encyclopedia^ Jenkinson is 
described as coming from a Yorkshire family. In 
another work^ he is represented as the ancestor of 
that branch of the Jenkinson family which settled 
at Walcot, near Charlbury, in Oxfordshire, and 
which included among its members the famous 
Lord Liverpool, Prime Minister of England from 
1812-27.^ According to this authority, our traveller, 
after returning to England, settled in London in the 
decline of his life, and with the considerable fortune 
he had acquired, purchased an estate in houses, 
besides the family mansion and estate in Oxford- 

^ Algemeine Encydopedie, Ersch and Grueber. 
2 The Ancient Family of Carlyle. London, 1822. 
® The present representative of this family is Sir George Jen- 
kinson, Bart., of Hawkesbury, Gloucestershire. 


The discovery of Anthony Jenkinson's will, how- 
ever, at the Wills Office, Somerset House, was the 
first important clue to his personal history, and has 
thrown a new light upon it, dispelling much of the 
obscurity by which it had hitherto been surrounded. 
In this document (dated in 1610) he is described of 
Ashton, in Northamptonshire, and mention is made 
in it of Sywell, in the same county. A search in 
the Sywell parish registers disclosed some further 
facts relating to him. Here are recorded the 
baptisms and burials of some of his children and 
grandchildren, affi)rding sufficient proofs of his 
having resided at Sywell for some years during the 
latter part of his life. 

Of his parentage and birth we have been unable 
to discover any trace. The registers at St. Botolph's, 
Aldersgate Street, where his house was situate, do 
not go further back than the year 1666 ; and those 
of St. Alphage's, which are as old as 1538, and where 
Sir Rowland Hayward, a governor of the Russia 
Company in Jenkinson's time, was buried,^ have been 
searched in vain. It was the custom in those times 
to send young men intending to follow the profession 
of a merchant to the Levant, to prepare for a mer- 
cantile career, and it is probable, that Chancellor and 
Gray both passed their apprenticeship there.^ Jen- 
kinson's earlier travels, begun in 1546, were under- 
taken with that object. In 1555 he was admitted 
a member of the Mercers' Company by redemption 

* Reinemhrancia, City of London, p. 37, note 3. 

^ See Arber's First Three English Books on America, p. xvii. 


gratis, — that is to say, without any fine being paid. 
The Mercers' Company, the most ancient of the 
trading companies, took precedence of all, and num- 
bered on its rolls many of the leading citizens. 
Queen Elizabeth, even, having enrolled herself as a 
member ; the words mercer and merchant becoming, 
as commerce extended, synonymous.^ Between the 
Mercers, or Merchants of the Staple, and the Mer- 
chant Adventurers, from whom the Muscovy Com- 
pany originated, there was a close bond of union ; 
hence there is no difficulty in tracing Jenkinson's con- 
nection with the last-named company, among whose 
members were John Marsh, also a mercer. Sir John 
Gresham, elder brother of Sir Thomas, and others. 

In 1557, as we have seen, Anthony Jenkinson, who 
had already acquired a good reputation as a traveller, 
proceeded to Kussia for the Muscovy Company, on a 
fixed salary of £40 per annum for three years, and 
with the special object of discovering a new route to 

The next event in his private life which is re- 
corded is his marriage with Judith, daughter of 
John Marsh. The Herald's Visitation of London, in 
which it occurs, was taken in 1568, and this may 
probably be assigned as the year of the marriage ; for 
the names of two daughters, Alice and Mary, which 
appear on the record, may have been added subse- 
quently. Through his wife, Jenkinson became con- 
nected with the Greshams, her mother, whose name 
was Alice, being a daughter of William Gresham, 

* Life and Times of ^ir T. Grtshaviy vol. i, p. 185. 


cousin of Sir Thomas, by whom Marsh is referred to 
in his correspondence as "my cousin Marsh".^ John 
Marsh, or Mershe, came of an old Northamptonshire 
family, mentioned in Rymer s Fcedera. He pro- 
bably succeeded Mr. Hussey as governor of the 
Merchant Adventurers, and his name occurs among 
others at the foot of the document, testifying to the 
handsome reception given to the first Russian am- 
bassador in England in 1557.^ He was afterwards 
governor of the company of merchants trading to 
the Netherlands, and he is referred to in the State 
papers in connection with affairs in that country. 

The year 1568, which was probably that of Jen- 
kinson's marriage, was also marked by the grant of 
arms conferred upon him, a copy of which is given 
below {infra, p. c). This document, after a pre- 
amble setting forth that the bearing of arms 
was a chief and usual way of perpetuating the 
memory of the brave deeds and deserts of such 
as have done good service to their prince and 
country, and advanced the common weal ; and after 
reciting that Anthony Jenkinson was amongst the 
number of these, for " he hath not fearyd to adven- 
ture and hazard his life, and to weare his body 
with long and paynfull traveyll into dyvers and 
sundry contreys", etc., proceeds: "In considera- 
cion of which his said traveyll, tending always to 
the honor of his prince and countrey (a p[er]fect 
proof of his vertue and prowesse), and for a perpetuall 

^ Cf. Life and Times of Sir T. Gresham, vol. ii, p. 64. 
2 HakL, 1599, vol. i, p. 290. 


declaration of the worthynesse of the said Anthony 
lenkinson, we, the kings of armes,etc., have assigned, 
gyven, and grauntyd vnto the sayde Anthony len- 
kynson these armes and creast following." 

From his father-in-law Jenkinson acquired by pur- 
chase the estate of Sywell, in Northamptonshire, 
where he resided for several years during the latter 
part of his life. 

" In the thirty-fourth year of Henry VIII (1543), the manor, 
grange, and advowson of Sywell, late parcel of the possessions 
of St. Andrew's Priory, were granted to John Mershe,^ and by 
him afterwards sold to Anthony Jenkinson, Esq., who, in the 
twentieth year of Elizabeth (1578), levied a fine of them."^ 

Jenkinson's house, before he settled at Sywell, 
was in Aldersgate Street, as appears from the Close 
Rolls. The first of these relating to him is a mort- 
gage, by one Alexander Richworth, of some property 
in Yorkshire, in the twelfth year of Elizabeth (1570). 
In the usual proviso of redemption inserted at the 
end of this deed, the mortgagor has to pay "vnto the 
said Anthony Jenkinson the some of one hundred 
pounds of lawfull money of England, on the tenth 
daie of Nouember next com yng after the date hereof, 
at the nowe dwelling house of the said Anthony Jen- 
hjnson, set and being at Aldersgate Strete, in the 
stthurhes of the cytie of London, betweene the houres 
of one and foure of the clocke in the afternoone."^ 

* The name of Marsh is well known at the present day in 
Holcot, an adjoining parish to Sywell. 

^ Bridge's Northaviptony by Whalley, vol. ii, p. 147. 
3 Close Rolls, 12 Eliz. 


" Aldersgate Street in the suburbs" meant without 
the city wall, a part which was then, or soon after- 
wards became, a fashionable quarter. 

A work on old London, by William Newton,^ ac- 
companied by a plan, shows plainly the condition of 
this part of the city about Jenkinson's time. The 
Alders gate, the oldest entrance, stood on the 
north side ; from it ran Aldersgate Street, in a 
northerly direction, terminating at Aldersgate 
Bars. The whole of the street, which was without 
the city wall, and therefore in the suburbs, was 
flanked on either side by fine houses, having 
gardens or orchards at the back. Near the gate 
was Little Britain, so named after the Dukes of 
Brittany, who once lodged there. This was formerly 
a cluster of narrow lanes and courts, partly belong- 
ing to Cloth Fair.^ It is impossible to say where 
the house of our traveller stood ; but the whole 
neighbourhood teems with memories of the early 
Merchant Adventurers. 

The year of Jenkinson's removal to Sywell can 
only be approximately fixed between 1570 and 1578, 
or, rather, between 1572 — when he returned from 
his last voyage toKussia — and 1578. After this he 
made no more distant journeys, and was content, as 
he himself says in summarising his travels, to take 
his rest in his own house. That he was residing at 
Sywell in 1578 is proved by a Close Roll of that year 

^ London in the Oidtn Time, 18o>J, p. 75. 
- See Washiuiiftuii Irvine's ti ketch- BooU. 


concerning him, purpoi^ting to be a mortgage of an 
estate, the Tower of the Lee, in the parish of 
Gushops Castle, in Shropshire. In this deed the 
mortgagor agrees to pay the redemption money, 
one hundred and forty-three pounds, " at or within 
the noive mane on hmvse of the said Anthony e Jenkyn- 
son, Esquier, seytuate in SytvelL"^ 

The village of Sywell, about eight miles from 
Northampton, lies in a hollow, a quarter of a mile 
from Lord Overst one's park. It was entirely rebuilt 
by the late Lady Overstone, and contains some fifty 
houses of a class decidedly superior to those gene- 
rally occupied by labourers. The church, dedicated 
to Saints Peter and Paul, and dating from the time 
of King John, has been restored under the super- 
vision of the present rector, the Rev. Robert Baillie, 
who has studied to preserve the more interesting 
points of the ancient building. Not far from the 
church stands Sywell Hall, a fine old mansion with 
mullioned windows and gabled roofs, some four 
centuries old. Archseologists have traced in the 
original design the idea of the architect to build it 
in the shape of the letter E, parts of which are now 
wanting, and would therefore fix the reign of Eliza- 
beth as the period of its construction. But there 
are indications of its being of much older date, and 
of its having belonged to the family of Sir William 
Tresham, who represented the county in six parlia- 
ments in the reign of Henry VI. In such case 
Jenkinson probably occupied another manor-house, 
' Close Roll, 20 Eliz., part 3. 


mentioned by Bridges,^ remains of which are occa- 
sionally turned up in ploughing an adjoining field. 

An examination of the registers at Sy well resulted 
in the discovery of several entries concerning our 
traveller. The first of these occurs in 1579, and 
reads as follows : — 

" Judeth JenkensOne, the doughter of M""- Anthony Jen- 
kensOne, Esquier, & Jane Jenkensonne, his doughter, also 
war baptized the ffirste day of October 1579." 

This evidently refers to two, probably twin, daugh- 
ters, who died in infancy, and were buried on the 
21st October of the same year. 

The next entry is the baptism of a son — 

" Anthony Jenkensonne, the sonne of M""- Anthony Jen- 
kensone, esquier, was baptyzed the xi day of Marche, Afio 
Dom 1580." 

He, too, died in infancy, though his burial is not in 
the register ; but two years later another son was 
born, also named Anthony, showing the endeavour 
to perpetuate a name which had become famous. 
The record is as follows : — 

" Anthony Jenkensonne, the sonne of M*"- Anthony Jenken- 
sone, was baptyzed the xx day of Julye, Ano Dom 1582." 

There are no further entries of our traveller's 
children in the Sywell registers ; but the baptisms 
of three grandchildren appear there — two sons and 
a daughter of Henry Jenkinson — namely, Henry, 
baptised in 1593 ; William, in 1596 ; and Mary, in 
1598, — all three mentioned in their grandfather's 

^ Hist, of Northampton, ii, 147. 


Another glimpse of our traveller at Sywell is 
obtained in a Close Roll of the year 1583,^ when he 
purchased the wood and underwood called Gorton 
Groyle, adjoining his estate. 

A few more particulars concerning Jenkinson's 
public life are afforded by the State papers. In 
1576 he is appointed one of three commissioners 
(the other two being Sir William Winter and 
Michael Lock) to consider upon all matters requisite 
for the furniture and despatch of Mr. Frobisher on a 
second voyage to Cathay.' Jenkinson's name, as well 
as those of Thomas Randolph, Lord Burghley, and 
Sir Francis Walsingham, appear among the venturers 
in Frobisher's second and third voyages to Cathay, 
in 1576 and 1577.* In 1577 he is sent with Daniel 
Rogers on a special mission to Embden, to treat 
with the King of Denmark's commissioners on the 
right of England to navigate the northern seas 
beyond Norway. This King, like the other poten- 
tates of Europe, was exceedingly jealous and dis- 
pleased at the newly opened English trade with 
Russia, and denied their right to sail past the 
coasts of Norway, which then belonged to the 
Crown of Denmark, on their way to the White Sea. 
He also sought to impose tolls on English ships 
passing through the Sound to the Baltic, on their 
way to Narva, founding his claims on an old treaty 

1 Close Roll, 25 Eliz., pt. 9. 
« Cal. S. P., K Ind., 1513-1616, p. xiii. 

3 Cal. S. P., Col. E. Ind., pp. 18, 24, 29; Frobisher's Three 
Voyages (Hakl. Soc), pp. 348, 352. 


made between former kings of the two countries. 
He wished to interpret this treaty according to the 
strict and literal meaning of the words, which 
appear to have excluded the English from sailing 
their ships between Iceland and Helgoland. 
The Queen replied that no such prohibition was 
ever intended by that or any other treaty, and 
prayed the King to appoint commissioners to meet 
hers and discuss the whole matter. The commis- 
sioners met, but could come to no agreement, and 
the matter remained in suspense three or four years, 
till another conference was arranged, when a fresh 
treaty was concluded, by which the King agreed to 
suffer the traffic to continue, receiving, in considera- 
tion of this concession, the annual sum of one 
hundred rose-nobles, payable to him at Elsinore. 

In 1578 we find Jenkinson associated with Ran- 
dolph on the commission appointed to report on 
the ore brought to England in Frobisher's ships,^ 
which had been assayed at Muscovy House. This 
is the last occasion that any mention of him is 
made in the State papers, but the recollection of 
his good deeds long survived his retirement from 
active life ; thus, we find him referred to in a notice 
of the trade to the Levant.^ 

The last act of his life, when he was no longer 
able to write his name, was the making of his will. 
In this document, dated 13th November 1610, he 

1 Cal S. P., Col. E. Ind., No. 89. 

2 Hahl, 1599, ii, p. 136. 


describes himself of Ashton,^ in the county of North - 
ants. But we have seen that he was residing at 
Sywell till the year 1598, from the baptism of one 
of his grandchildren appearing in the parish register 
under that year. When, therefore, did he remove 
to Ashton, and for what cause ? These are ques- 
tions we are wholly unable to answer ; nor is there 
any monument at Ashton which could throw any 
light on the subject. The Rev. Cavendish Neely, 
son of the present rector of that parish, of whom 
inquiry was made, obligingly wrote in reply that 
there is a manor-house in the village, and that 
after having served as a farm-house for many years, 
it is now made into several cottages. The present 
building, he adds, cannot be later than the early 
part of the seventeenth century, and the traces of a 
moat, still visible, point to the existence of an earlier 
building on the same site. 

Of the witnesses to the will, the family of Woolf, 
Wolfe, Le Loup, Lupus, is of very ancient origin, 
and were lords of the manor of Ashton in the reign 
of Edward IL^ The name of Webb, another 
witness, does not occur in the registers till the year 
1780, though now a common name in the village ; 
but that of Jenkinson is not in the parish register 
(which has no entry earlier than 1682). 

The will directs that a yearly portion or pension of £30 is 
to be paid to Henry Jenkinson, the son of the testator, who 
was at that time " in a weak state of mynde and body", the 
pension to be increased to £50 in the event of his recovering 

* Near Towcester. ^ Bridges' Nortliampton, i, 283. 


his health. To his grandson, Henry Jenkinson, the sum of 
£2,000 is to be paid on his attaining the age of twenty-one ; to 
tliis grandson three parts of the plate and household stuff of 
whatsoever it consist are left, and he is appointed residuary 
legatee. To another grandson, William Jenkinson, there is 
a bequest of £400, and " my lesser bason and ewer of silver". 
To . his grand-daughter, Mary Jenkinson, the sum of £500 
is directed to be paid, and to her is given the fourth part of 
the plate and household effects on her attaining the age of 
twenty-one, or within one year of her marriage. 

Then there are legacies to the testator's daughters, Alice 
Price, Mary Hobson, Lucy Wilson, and Katherine Newport, 
each of whom receives £5. To Nicholas Price, his grandson 
and godson, £50 are directed to be paid ; and to his grand- 
daughter, Susan Price, £100 on her attaining twenty-one, or 
on the day of her marriage. Then follow gifts to his servants : 
Thomas Greenwood, £20, " and the bed and bedding he now 
lieth in" ; to Thomas Thame a gold ring, or 405. " to buy one 
better to his liking". 

There are also legacies to testator's niece, Dorothy Jenkin- 
son, £50 ; to Sir Philip Sherard, Knight, " my acorne cupp of 
plate", which is also excepted from the former gift of plate ; 
to him also is given " my best crowby";^ and to Lady Isabella 
Sherard, his wife, " my duble blewe chest" ; to the poor, 
" what shall be thought meete by myne executor". His four 
sons-in-law and his daughters are to receive mourning gar- 
ments for themselves and one servant apiece. There are 
some further bequests — to the children of Edward Bluck of 
Sywell, £10 apiece ; £100 to his nephew, Zachary Jenkinson, 
who is appointed sole executor ; and £10 to his son-in-law, 
Thomas Price, who, with Sir Philip Sherard, are ordained 

Anthony Jenkinson was buried at Tighe, in Eut- 
landshire, the seat of his friend, Sir Philip Sherard, 
on the 26th February 1610 (-11), within four months 
1 Probably "coroby", a chest.— C/. pp. 206, 459. 


after the date of his will. His son Henry only sur- 
vived him a short time, and was also buried at 
Tighe. Henry Jenkinson, the grandson, followed 
seven years later, and was buried by the side of his 
father and grandfather on the 23rd January 16 L 8 
(-19), having left no children. 

Tighe, or Teigh, as it is commonly spelt now, is a 
small village in Oakham Union, in the hundred of 
Alstoe, in Rutlandshire, near the border of Leicester- 
shire. The church is a plain building, dedicated 
to the Holy Trinity. It consists only of a nave, 
with a square embattled tower at the west end. 
The chancel was knocked down years ago, and many 
of the gravestones have been used for paving pur- 
poses, so that if any monument existed to the 
Jenkinson family it has long since disappeared.^ 

The further history of this family is not, strictly 
speaking, within the limits of this work, but a family 
tree {infra, p. cvii) will serve to show the imme- 
diate descendants of the traveller. There must be, 
no doubt, representatives of his family, for if the 
male issue be extinct, those on the female side 
probably survive. 

* The Tighe registers, which date from 1550, contain severaJ 
entries of the family besides those mentioned above— the mar- 
riage of William Jenkinson with Ann Barowe on the 6th Novem- 
ber 1615; the baptism of two sons of William Jenkinson, 
named Philip and Edward, in 1617 and 1621 ; the burial of 
Dorothy Jenkinson in 1623, and Zachary her husband, rector of 
Tighe and executor of Anthony, in 1630; the marriage of Mary 
Jenkinson with Gilbert Fisher on the 28th May 1614. 



To all and sing^iilar, as well nobles and gentlemen as others, 
to whom these presentes shall come, be seene, heard, readd, 
or und'rstand. Sir Gilbart Dethicke, Knight., alias Garter 
principall Kinge of Armes, Eobert Cooke, Esquire, alias 
Clarencieulx Kinge of Arnies, of the South partes, and Will'm 
flower. Esquire, alias Norroy Kinge of Armes, of the North 
partes of England, Sendith greetinge in o'' Lord god Everlast- 

For asmuche as annciently from the beginninge the 
valiannt and vertuouse actes of excellent personnes haue bey 
[been] corhended to the worlde and posteryte with sundry 
monumentes and remembrances of their good deaserts : 
Emongst the which the chiefist and most usuall hath ben the 
bearinge of signes in Shieldes called Armes, beinge none 
other thinge than Evidences and DemonstracOns of prowesse 
and valoir, diversly distributyd accordinge to the qualytes 
and deseartes of the personnes meritinge the same. To the 
entent that such as haue done comendable s'vice to their 
prinnce or countrey, either in Warre or Peace, at home or 
abrode, any Wayes addinge to the advanncement of the 
Comon Weale, the fruytes of their industry and traveyll, 
beinge in very deed the true and p'fect tokens of a right noble 
disposition : may therfore receyve due hono^ in their lyves, 
and also deryve and con tine w the same successyvely in their 
posteryte for ever. Emongst the which Nomber Anthony 
lenkinson, Citezen of London, being one, who for the s'vice 
of his prinnce, Weale of his countrey, and for knowledg sake, 
one of the greatist lewells gyven by god to mankynd, hath 

1 MS. Ashm. 844, 3 ; see also MS. Harl. 1463, fo. 286 ; on the 
same fo.: — 

Anthony Jenkynson.=f=Judith, da. of John Marshe of London, 

I Esq. 

I 1 I 2 

Alice, daughter. Mary, da. 


not fearyd to adventure and hazard his lyfe, and. to weare 
his body w*** long and paynfull traveyll into dyvers and 
sundry contreys, not onely of Europe, as Flannders, Germany, 
Frannce, Italy, and Spayn, etc., w*** the Islands adiacent, 
which in maner thouroughout he hath iourneyed. But also of 
bothe Asias and of Afrique, as Grecia, Turky, the fyve King- 
domes of Tartares, India Orientall, Armenia, Medea, Parthia, 
hircania, Persia, the holy land and countrey Palestine, w^** 
dyvers cities thereof, as Samaria, Galile, Jehrusalem, and 
s""*^ [sailed ?] w^^ Africans there at Argiers, lola [Kola], 
Bona, Tripoly, and Tunis ; and northwards hath also saylid 
on the frosen seas many dayes w***in the Artick circle, 
and traveylid thourough owt the ample dominions of the 
Empero'^ of Kussia and Muscovia and the confynes of 
Norway and Lapyia over to the Caspian Sea, and into 
dyvers contreys there abowt, to the old cosmographers utterly 
unknowne. And somewhat to mention other his naviga- 
tions, lykwys hath he sayled thourough all the Levant Seas 
every way, and ben in the chief Islands of the Inland Seas 
called Mediterraneum Mare, viz., Khodes, Malta, Sicillia, 
Cipres [Cyprus], and Candy, w*^^ dyvers others. And in a 
second iourney to mare Caspian, sayling over that Sea an 
other waye, and landing in Armenia at Darbent, a city of 
Alexander the greate his buyldinge, and from thence traveyl- 
ing thourough dyvers countreys over to the courte of the 
greate Sophy, he delyverid letters vnto him from the queens 
ma"® that now is, and remaynid in the said Sophy [his] court 
the space of viij (8) moneths. Also into a greater nomber 
nior[e] of contreys hath he traveyled, then may easely be called 
to mynd, or in this place be well rehersed, not w"^ out great 
perilles and daungers sondry tymes. And not onely traveylid 
into them, but hath also soiournyd in the courtes of many 
of the greate prinnces, of whome he hath not onely ben well 
entreted, but also dismissed w*^ much favo*" and w^^ freendly 
letters of immunite and saufguard, whereof some we 
haue scene and p'sed [perused], as a letter of reconiendacion 
from the Empero"" of lUissia to the Sophy and otiier 



princes, a sauf con duct from the greate Turk, a letter of 
comendacion from Astmicana [Hadjim Khan], king of 
Tartaria, and letters testimoniall of his being at Jherusalem, 
being all evident tokens uf his Vertue, honesty, and Wisdom. 
And retourning homewards, passed thourough dyvers other 
contreys, over long heer to he rehersed. In consideracion of 
which his said traveyll, tending always to the honor of his 
prince & Countrey (a p'fect proof of his vertue and prowesse) 
and for a perpetuall declaration of the Worthy nesse of the 
sayd Anthony lenkinson, We, the kings of Armes afore- 
sayde, by power authoryte to vs comittyd by letters patentes 


und"" the greate Seale of Englande, togither w*^ the assent 
and consent of the high and mighty Thomas Duk of Norfolk, 
Erie Mareshall of Englande, have assigned, gyven, and 
grauntyd vnto the sayde Anthony lenkynson these Armes 
and Creast followeng : That is to say, the field azure, a fece 
Wave argent in chief three starres gold upon a helme on a 
torce argent and azur, a Sea horse., com only called a 
Neptunes horse, gold and azur mantelyd gueuUes doublyd 
argent, as more playnly apperith depictyd in this margent. 
Which Armes and Creast, and every part and parcell thereof. 
We, the said Garter Clerencieulx and NoiToy Kinges of 
Armes, do by these presentes ratify, confyrme, gyve, and 


grannt vnto the sayd Anthony lenkinson, and to his pos- 
teryte for ever. And he the same Amies and Creaste to vse, 
beare, and shew at all tymes, and for ever hereafter, at liis 
liberty and pleasure, without the impedyment, lett, or in- 
terruption of any person or p'sons. 

In Witnesse whereof, we, the sayd Kings of Amies, haue 
signed these presents w*^ our hands, and sett ther vnto 
our Severall Seals of Armes, the 14 day of February, in the 
year of our Lord god a thousand fiv hundryd sixty eight. 

Extracted from the Principal Registry of the Prohatty 
Divorce, and Admiralty Division of the High Court 
of Justice, 

In the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. 

In the Name of God Amen, the thirteenth day of 
November in the yere of o"" Lord God according to the com- 
putacon of the Church of England one thousand six hundred 
and tenne I Anthony Jenkinson of Ashton in the County of 
Northampton Esquire being of sufficient healthe and memorye 
(thanckes be given to God) do make and declare this my 
Testament and last Will in manner and forme as foloweth 
First and principally I committ and commend my Soul and 
body to Allmighty God my Maker and to Jesus Christ my 
Saviour and Eedeemer trusting assuredly that through His 
meritts deathe and passion only and by noe other meanes I 
shall obtayne full and free remyssion of all my synnes as well 
originall as actuall and after this mortall life ended to raigne 
with hym in eternall ioyes in the Kingdome of Heaven Item 
I give and bequeathe unto my sonne Henry Jenkinson an 
yerelie portion pention or Annuitie out of the use or rent of 
money that is to saye yf my sayed sonne Henry remayne as 
nowe he is in weak state of mynde and bodye Then my will 
is that to his maynten'nce he shall have but thirtie poundes by 
the yeare payed to his maynten'nce at twoo severall tymes in 


the yeare by even portions that is to saye at the Annuncia- 
tion of the Blessed Virgin commonly called Oure Ladye daye 
one fifteene pounds and at the Feast of Michael! the Arch 
Angell other fifteene poundes but yf it may please God that 
my sayed sonne Henry shall be restored to his former per- 
fection of mynde and memory e then my mynde and will ys 
that annually he shall have fiftie poundes payed at suche 
times and after such manner as is afore mentioned by even 
portions Item I give and bequeathe to Henry e Jenkinson 
my graund childe the sume of twoe thousand poundes of 
good and lawfull Englishe money to be payed unto him at 
the age of twentie one yeares yf he then be living Item I 
give unto Henry Jenkinson my grand childe afore said three 
partes of all my plate (my lesser bason and ewer excepted) 
to be delivered also to him the tynie before menconed Item 
I give and bequeath unto my sayed grand childe Henry 
Jenkinson three partes of all my household whatsoever stuffe 
or matter it is appearing when Inventary shall be made 
thereof Item I give and bequeathe unto William Jenkinson 
my grand childe fower hundred pounds of good and lawfull 
Englishe money to be payd unto hym at the age of one and 
twenty yeares yf he be then living Item I give and bequeath 
unto the sayed William Jenkinson my lesser bason and ewer of 
silver to be delivered at the same time afore sayed Item I 
give and bequeath unto Mary Jenkinson my grand childe the 
full sonime of five hundred poundes of good and lawfull English 
moneye to be payed unto her at one and twentie yeres of age 
or within one yere after her marriage which shall first happen 
after my decease Item I give to my sayed gTand childe Mary 
Jenkinson the fourth parte of my plate (the plate given to 
my grand childe William Jenkinson excepted) Item I give 
to the fore sayed Mary the fourth parte of all my household 
afore named and to be delivered as above is mentioned pro- 
vided allwaies that to avoide contention concerning the 
deviding of plate my will is that my Exec''- shall at his dis- 
cretion devide and deliver as well the plate as household 
Ktuti'e above mentioned and being so parted they sliall be 


contented without any other meanes of devidinge Allso my 
wyll and mynde y" y*- yf any of the parties above men- 
tioned shall departe this present life before suche legacy es or 
payments shall be due the parte or partes so remaininge 
shall equallie be devided amongst the survivours of my 
grand children above named And yf there be no survivour 
and survivours of them then shall the sayed portions be dis- 
tributed equally amonge the neerest of my bloude namely my 
daughters then living Item I give to Alice Aprise my 
daughter fyve poundes Item I give to Mary Hobson my 
daughter fyve poundes Item I give to Luce Willson my 
daughter fyve poundes Item I give to my daughter 
Katherine Newporte five poundes Item I give to Nicholas 
Aprice my graund childe and God sonne fiftie poundes Item 
I give to my Graund childe Susan Aprise one hundred 
poundes to be payed at the age of one and twentie yeres or 
daye of mariage which of those times shall fall the soonest 
Item I give to my servaunte Thomas Greenewood the full 
somme of. twentie poundes of lawf uU English moneye Also 
to him I give the bed and bedding he nowe lieth in Item I 
give to Thomas Thame a golde rynge or fortie shillings to 
buy one to his better liking Item I give to my neece 
Dorothie Jenkinson fiftie poundes Item I give to S""- Philip 
Sherowd Knighte my acorne cupp of plate which also I do 
except from my former guifte of plate Also to hym I give 
my best Crowby and to Lady Isabell Sherard his wife I give 
my duble blewe chest Item I give unto the poore what shall 
be thought meete by myne Executor Item I will that%iy 
fower sonnes in lawe and my daughters and for each of them 
one man shall have mourning garments that is for a sonne 
and a daughter one servaunts garment Item I will that my 
neiphue Zacharie Jenkinson and his wife and servaunte shall 
have the lijce And my man Thomas the like Item I give 
and bequeathe unto Edward Blucks children late of Seywell 
to cache childe tenne poundes a peece Item all the rest of 
my goodes un bequeathed of what nature so ever they be 
(all ways provided that my Executor be kept harmeles) all 


the sayed money and goodes unbequeathed T give to my 
grand childe Henry Jenkinson Item I bequeath and give to 
my neiphue Zacharye one hundred poundes of good and 
lawfull money of England the which Zachary Jenkinson I 
make full and sole Executor of this my last Will and Testa- 
ment And I ympose this chardge upon hym honestly and 
duly to be performed as he will awnswere the same at the 
dreadfull daye of Judgment before Allmighty God Item I 
give tenne poundes to my sonne in lawe Thomas Price And 
of this Will I ordeyne the Eight Worshipfull S"^- Philipp 
Sherard Knighte and my sonne in lawe Thomas Price 
Supervisors In witnesse whereof I have set to this my last 
Will and Testament my hande and scale this thirteenth daye 
of November and yere of o^- Lord as above written Anthony 
Jenkinson his marke — who for palsey was not able to wryte 
his name — Witnesses whose names ar published — Frauncys 
Nabbs — John Basse — Ambrose Woolfe his marke. 

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London 
coram Magistro Edmundo Pope legum Doctore Surrogato 
venerabilis viri Domini Johannis Benet militis legum etiam 
Doctoris Curie Prerogative Cantuariens' Magistri custodis 
sive Com'issarij legitime constituti Octavo die mensis Martij 
Anno Domini iuxta cursum et oomputacoem Ecclie Angli- 
cane Millesimo sexcentesimo decimo Juramento Zacharie 
Jenkinson Executoris in eodem testamento nominat Cui 
Com'issa fuit Administraco bonorum Jurium et creditorum 
dicti defuncti de bene et fideliter Administrand' Ac ad 
Sancta Dei Evangelia jurat. 



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Means of Decay of the Kusse Trade.^ 
[By Christopher Burrough.] 

I. Tlie desier the Buss hath to draiu a greater trade to the 
port of St, Nicholas, beeing the better & surer way to vent 
his own commodities to bring in forrein then the other 
wayes by the Narve and Riga, that ar[e] many times stopped 
vp by reason of the warres with the Polonian & Sweden. 
This maketh them discontent with our English marchants 
and their trade thear, which, beeing very small (viz., but of 
5 or 6 sail a year), keepeth other from trading that way. 
Whereas they ar[e] made assured by French, Netherlandish, & 
other English marchants, that they shall have great num- 
bers & flourishing trade at that port, to the enhaunsing of 
their commodities & the Emperours customs, if they will 
cast of[f] the Englhish company and their priviledged trade. 

II. The keeping of their trade & staple at Mosko, whearby 
grow these inconveniences : 1. A great expense by their 
travail & carriages, to & fro by land from the seaside to 
Mosko, which is 1,500 varsts or miles. 2. An expense of 
houskeeping at five places, viz., at Mosko, Yaruslaue, 
Vologda, Colmogro, & St. Nicholas. 3. Their commodities 
ar[e] ever ready at hand for the Emperor & his Nobilitie, 
lyeng within the eye and reach of the Court. By this means 
much is taken vpon trust by the Emperour and his Nobilitie 
(which may not bee denied them), and soe it becometh 
desperate debt. 4. Their whole stock is still in danger to 
bee pulled & seazed on vpon every pretence, & picked 
matter by the Emperor & his Officers ; which cannot be 
helped as long as the trade is helld at Mosko, considering 

I the nature of ye Russ, which cannot forbear to spoile & 

I fleece strangers now and then (as hee doeth his own people), 

[\if hee svippose they gain by his countrey. This hath caused 

Jail other marchants strangers to give over that trade, save 

two only, whearof the one also (beeing a Netherlander) 

' MS. Laiisd. 52, No. 27. 


became bankrui)t tliis last year, the other (a ffrenchmaii) 
beeiiig spoiled by them at my beeing thear,cam[e] away the 
last year, & hath given over that trade. As for our mar- 
chants priviledges (which they were suffred to euioy when 
the discovery was first made, and when the olid Emperour 
was in dotage about a marriage in England), they must not 
look that they will protect them hearafter against those 
seazures & spoiles, the Russe having no respect of honor 
and credit in respect of his profit. 

III. Their servants which {though honest hefore) ar[e'\ made 
ill hy these means. — 1. The profan'es of that countrey and 
liberty, they have to all kynd of syn ; whearby it cometh 
to pass that many of them beeing vnmarried men fall to 
ryppt, whoredom, &c., which draweth one expenses; so 
having not of their own, they spend of y® Companies. Of 
this sort they have had to [o] many (as they know). 2. Lack 
of good discipline among themselves, specially of preachej 
to keap them in knowledg & fear of God, & in a conscience 
of their service towards their Worships. 3. Their wages & 
allowance is very small, or (if they bee apprentized) nothing 
at all, beeing debarred bysides of all trade for themselves. 
This maketh them practise other meanes to mend their 
estates ; first, by imbezeling and drawing from the Company, 
& then following a privat[e] trade for themselves ; whearby 
divers of them grow ritch and their Worships poor. Which 
they make less conscience of, bycause they say they spend 
their time in so barbarous a countrey, whear they are made 
vnfit for all other trades & service in other countries abroad. 
4. Certein of their servants that have soom better conceipt 
of themselves, grow into acquaintance with Noblemen of the 
Court to countenance their dealings after they ar[e] entred 
into a privat[e] trade, & other disorders. This friendship 
of great persons in y® Russ Court is very dear, & hath cost 
y® Company many thousand pounds, having gained nothing 
by it but y® protection of their own lewd servants against 

IV. Privat[e] trade hy certein of the Gom^mny that have 


their factoiirs thear vpon if common charge, who besydes 
their inland trade (buying at one part of the countrey & 
selling at the other as if they wear Euss marchants, to y« 
great dislyke of the Russ) bring in a ship over comodities 
in fflemish bottoms at St. Nicolas, Riga, and Narve ; which 
hindreth muche the common trade & profit of the Com- 

Means to please y^ Busse Emperour for y^ marchants 

1. If the Queen seem willing to ioign with him for draw- 
ing a greater trade to y® port of S*- Nicolas, from the other 
wayes of Narve & Riga. 2. If hir Highnes Letters, treaties, 
& presents sent to him bee so ordered as that they seem, 
indeed, to coom from hir self & hir good affection, & not 
from the marchants, as hee is perswaded still they doo, & 
thearfore, reiecteth them & little regardeth the treaties doon 
in hir name, by cause (as hee sayeth), they coom from the 
Mousicks [Mujiks, i.e., boors]. 3. If hir Maiestie (when 
occasion doeth requier) offer hir self ready to mediat[e] 
beetwixt him & the Polonian & Sweden, whome the Russe 
ever feareth by cause hee is ever invaded by them, & not 
they by him, and thearfore is glad to procure his peace by 
any means with them ; the rather bycause hee never wanteth 
an enimie on the other side, viz., the Tartar. 


The remedy for this is to give the Russ soom better content- 
ment by enlarging y^ English trade at y^ port of S^- Nicolas, 
so much as may be. — This may be doon by refourming the 
trade after y« manner of y® Adventurers, viz. : Every man to 
trade for himself vnder a governours deputy, that is to attend 
& follow their busines on thother side. 2. The number of 
y® Russe company to bee enlarged, & young men suffred to 
trade as well as the rest. This manner of trading after y® 
order of y® Adventurers, & drawing a greater trade to the 
port of S*- Nicolas, is lyke to prove much better for the 


generallitie of the Company, for comon wealth, <fe y^ Qneenes 
coustoms then that which now is, whear all trade together 
in one common stock. If it bee obiected that y« Eusse 
countrey will bear no such enlargement of trade, nor vent 
greater quantitie of our English commodities then now it 
doeth (which is but 1,500 English clothers a year, with soom 
proportionate quantitie of tin, lead, brimstone, &c.), it is 
answered, by the opinion of good experience, that the trade 
by S*- Nicolas hath been stinted of late, & restrained of 
pourpose by very practise for the benefit of soom fiew, & that 
y® sayed traed will vtter far greater quantities than now it 
doth, whatsoever is pretended, if y® way by S'- Nicolas 
wear ons [once] well inured & frequented in manner (as 
before is noted), specially when troubles grow on the Narve 

II. The remedy to draw their trade & staple from Mosko & 
other inland parts to if seaside, whear they shall he farther of 
from y' eye ^ reach of y^ Court. — This will avoyd y® seasures 
doon vpon every pretence & cavillation & takings vp vpon 
trust by the Emperour & his Nobles, which is the speciall 
means that vndoeth our marchants trade, the rather when 
every man dealeth severally for himself with his own stock, 
which will not bee so ready for y® Euss to command as when 
all was in the hand and ordering of one agent. 2. By this 
means allso the inland privat[e] trades practised by certein 
of the Company to y® hurt of y^ Generallitie will bee pre- 
vented, when they ar[e] restrained all to one remote place from 
the inland parts. 3. The charge of houskeeping & house- 
rents at these 5 severall places will bee cutt of[f|. 4. The 
charge and trouble of travailing to and fro with their com- 
modities & carriages (viz., 1,500 miles' within land) will bee 
eased. 5. The Eusse commodities (that our marchants trade 
for), will be easier provided towards the sea coast then in 
the inland parts. And as toutchyng the lykelyhood of 
obteining the Emperours favour for y® removing their trade 
from Mosko towards the seaside, thear ar[e] these reasons to 
induce it. 1. The pollicie of the Euss to remove strangers 


out of y® inland parts, specially from Mosko (y^ Emperors 
seat), towards y® out parts of y® countrey for bringing in 
novelties & breeding conceipts in their peoples heads by their 
beehaviour & reports of the governments & fashions of other 
countries. To this pourpose the Emperours counsell con- 
sulted at my beeing thear, & conferred with mee abowt the 
removing of our marchants trade from Mosko to Archangell, 
that lyeth 30 miles from y® port of S*- Nicolas, vpon the 
river Dwyna, to feell how it would be taken if it wear forced 
by y® Emperour. 2. The desier the Euss hath to draw trade 
to the port of S*- Nicolas, for the reasons menconed beefore. 
3. The necessitie of our English commodities will draw the 
Kusse marchants to follow the Mart or Staple, whearsoeuer 
it bee, specially at S*- Nicholas, for y® commodities of that 
port. 4. The whole inland trade will then bee the Eusse 
marchants ; whereas before our English marchants that 
kept residence at Mosko, and other inland parts, had trade 
within land, & delt with Bougharians, Medians, Turks, &c., 
as well as the natives, which the Eusse marchants very 
much envyed & mislyked. 5. The Emperour & his counsells 
lykinge will force the marchants to frequent that trade, 
though themselves should mislyke it. 

III. Remedy for this, viz.: 1. By removing their trade from 
Mosko, & by severall trading (noted beefore) whear every 
man foUoweth his busines by himself or his factor. Hereby 
their servants illdealing will bee prevented, and if the 
servant prove ill & vnthriftie, it hurteth but his master. 
2. If they continew their trade as they doe, by common 
servants, to allow them better wages, & to give them more 
contentment by permitting them to have a peculium to a 
certein stint, & to trade with it for bettering their own 
estates. This will give their servants better contentment 
when they see soom cure had of them, & their own estate to 
mend as well as the Companies. 3. To have a preacher 
thear resident with them, that they may learn & know God, 
and so their dueties towards their Maisters ; which will 
easier bee graunted if the trade bee removed towards the 


seaside. If they obiect they have no great number of 
servants thear that should need a preacher (as was answered 
mee when I propounded that matter to them at my gooing 
over), it may bee answered that if they have never so fiew 
in that countrey (where they want all good means of instruc- 
tion towards God), the Company ought in Christian duety to 
prouide that means for them. The preacher, besydes that 
vse of him, might earn his stipend by advise with their 
Agent about their affaires, being a man of soom iudgement & 

IV. This inconvenience is prevented by removing the 
trade to the coast, & observing the order mencioned before 
as the Adventurers doe. 

Means to terrifie the Buss 8f keep him in order. — 1. By 
threatening to stoppe the way to the port of S*- Nicolas ; 
which, howsoever it can bee doon, the Russ is perswaded hir 
Maiestie can doe it. 2. If hir higlmes shew any correspond- 
ence with the Polonian, Sweden, and Turk, and that shee 
hath means to invite them. 3. If the Russ practise any 
seazure or violence vpon our marchants goods (as was lykely 
before my comming thither), revenge may bee made at 
Pechora, by the seaside, vpon the mart there, which is helld 
yearly about Midsummer, whear ar[e] niarted the furres of all 
sortes, to the valew of £100,000 yearly, which may bee sur- 
prised by a fiew sail & a smal company well appointed 
comming on a suddain, the Russe having no means to foresee 
or prevent it. 

Something yet remains to be said of Jenkinson's 
services to geography. About the middle of the 
sixteenth century vague ideas prevailed in England, 
indeed in Europe generally, v^ath reference to the 
East — ideas founded on the ancient classical authors, 
and especially on Ptolemy's works, modified to some 


extent by the accounts brought home by the medise- 
val travellers. Erroneous notions had not been dis- 
pelled. Cathay was still believed to be a country 
distinct from China, situate in the extreme north- 
east of Asia. The Oxus and Jaxartes were supposed 
to flow into the Caspian Sea, and the axis of this 
sea was represented on maps greater from east to 
west than from north to south. The Aral Sea was 
unknown. The river Don was represented on some 
maps as bifurcating from the Volga, ^ while the 
northern coasts of Europe and Asia were generally 
believed to be shrouded in impenetrable gloom. The 
first voyages of the English to the White Sea threw 
a ray of light into regions which, as far as Western 
Europe was concerned, had been hitherto in dark- 
ness. They acquainted the world with the north- 
ern route to Bussia, a country according to their 
accounts highly productive, abundantly watered, 
with numerous large towns, and an industrious 
population, who were not averse to enter into rela- 
tions with foreigners. Jenkinson's travels by land 
and water greatly extended this knowledge : he 
was the first to describe from personal observation 
eastern parts of Russia, at that time only recently 
annexed by Ivan ; the first to descend the Volga 
since it had become a Russian river, a great high- 
way between east and west ; the first Englishman 
to navigate the inland waters of the Caspian ; to 
recognise that it really was a landlocked sea and had 
no communication with Northern or Indian Ocean, 
Cf. Asie Centrales Humboldt, ii, p. 292. 


removing prevalent errors, by assigning to it truer 
proportions than hitherto ; the first to describe with 
some approach to accuracy the various countries 
bordering on its coasts, and to enumerate some of 
the rivers falling into it. All this, new to English- 
men and to Europe, aroused great interest in those 
countries. People began to be aware of a world 
outside their ken, and cosmographers to construct 
charts containing some of the information thus 

As far as the Caspian, Jenkinson's geography, 
based on what he had seen, was fairly accurate ; but 
when he spoke of the rivers of Central Asia, and 
attempted to reconcile what he heard with erroneous 
notions, derived, as we have seen, from ancient 
authors, he was led into confusion. When he de- 
scended the cliff of the Ust Urt, on his road to 
Urgendj, and looked down upon the waterspread of 
lakes Sary Kamish, spreading over a far wider area 
than they do at present, he concluded that he saw 
a gulf of that sea, for he knew of none other; and 
when he passed the channel of the Oxus near Urgendj, 
and learned that this river had almost ceased to 
flow along its former bed, he could only suppose 
that its outflow had been in the Caspian. He then 
crossed a large river — the Amu daria of our day, 
named by him Ardok^ — and as he knew of no Aral 

1 John Balak, writing to Gerard Mercator in 1581, says : " They 
call that riuer Ardok which falleth into the lake of Kittay (Cathay), 
which they call Paraha, whereupon bordereth that mightie and 
large nation which they call Carrah Colmak, which is none other 
than the nation of Cathay." — Hakl.^ ed. 1599, i, 512. 


Sea which should receive its waters, he connected it 
by a chain of lakes and underground flow^ with the 
Northern Ocean, leaving for the time sober facts, 
and entering the region of fable, in order to explain 
what must have appeared to him unaccountable. 
Purchas, the successor of Hakluyt, treats his remarks 
as a joke : — " Into this gulfe the riuer Oxus did some- 
times fall, but is now intercepted by the riuer Ardock, 
which runneth toward the north ; and (as it were 
loath to view so cold a clime and barbarous inhabit- 
ants) after he hath runne with swift race a thousand 
miles (as it were) in flight, he hideth himselfe under 
ground for the space of five hundred miles, and then 
looking vp and seeing little amendment, drowneth 
himself in the lake of Kithay."^ These passages of 
Jenkinson's narrative have excited the most learned 
criticism, from his time almost to the present day ; 
hardly a geographer of eminence but has not tried 
to explain them. They have been repeatedly cited 
in proof of a former discharge of the Oxus into the 
Caspian, and they have supplied a never-ending 
theme of discussion. Eastern writers have been 
studied and compared with the better known Greek 
and Roman authors. Humboldt and Ritter, Eich- 
wald, Zimmermann, and many others, have thrown 
into it their erudition and research, but to very little 

* Underground flow does apparently take place in the desiccated 
region south of the Aral, though not to the same extent as Jen- 
kinson suggests. — Cf. Kaulbar's Zapiski Imp. Russ. Geogr. Obsch. 
Gen. Geogr., vol, ix, pp. 412-415. 

2 Furchas, 2nd ed., 1614, book iv, ch. ii, p. 347. 



The question as to the ancient course of the Oxus 
and the changes undergone by the Aralo-Caspian 
basin, remained undecided till the recent conquests 
of Russia enabled careful surveys to be made. 
Throughout the whole of these discussions, however, 
our traveller's veracity was never impugned. His 
testimony as an eye-witness, corroborated as it was 
by that of a native of the country where these 
changes occurred — the Tartar king and historian, 
Abul Ghazi Bahadur Khan — was generally accepted. 
It would be impossible to enter fully into the intri- 
cate questions connected with the Aralo-Caspian 
basin and the Oxus channels within the compass of 
"'this work.-^ Suffice it for our purpose to say that~^ 
Jenkinson first drew attention to physical changes 
affecting all this part of Asia. In consequence of 
these, the Caspian and Aral seas were being locked 
in separate basins, rivers were altering their courses 
or becoming absorbed in the sand, and fertile tracts 
were rapidly being converted into sterile desert. J 

The narratives of Jenkinson had great influence 
over the geography of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. They were published in all the best col- 
lections of travels, and his map was included by 
Ortelius in his famous atlas Theatrum orhis terrarum, 

^ They will be found fully treated in the following works : — 
Eichwald, Alte Geographic des Kaspischen Meeres, Berlin, 1838, pp. 
1-202 ; Carl Zimmermann, Geographische Analyse eines VersucJies 
zur Darstellung des Kriegstheaters Russlands gegen Ckiwa, Berlin, 
I SiOf passim ; the same author, Denkschrift Llher den unteren Lauf 
des Oxus, Berlin, 1845, pp. 1-23 ; Alexander v. Humboldt, Asie 
Centrale, Paris, 1843, ii, pp. 121-334. 


Antwerp, 1570.^ In this way Jenkinson's erroneous 
ideas on the hydrography of Central Asia were per- 
petuated, and it was not till Peter the Great gave 
a fresh impulse to the study of Western Central 
Asia by the surveys he ordered to be made of the 
coasts of the Caspian, and the expeditions he planned 
against Khiva, that more definite information was 
obtained for the correction of maps of this region. 
This may be proved by a comparison of the maps 
published at the beginning of the eighteenth century, 
and those of the fourth decade of that century ; 
taking, for instance, the maps of the world in the 
first and second editions of Harris's collection of 
travels. The former (1705), though prepared by so 
well-known a cartographer as Mohl, shows the old 
erroneous shape of the Caspian, with the rivers 
Jaxartes and Oxus flowing into it on the east ; the 
latter, dated 1735, represents this sea nearly in 
accordance with modern notions, and the Aral lake 
smaller than its actual size, but in approximately 

^ Gerard Mercator, however, who rauks next to Ortelius as a 
cosmographer of the sixteenth century, only made a partial use of 
Jenkinson's map and observations. But where he and his fellow- 
worker Hondius disregarded them altogether, they fell into graver 
errors. This may be seen on studying the maps of Asia, Persia, 
and Tartary, published in an English edition of their atlas in 1636. 
Their Caspian Sea is altogether wrong in shape and proportions. 
Into it, from the east, flows the Chesel, corresponding with the 
Jaxartes and the Abia (Amu). On the other hand they retain 
Jenkinson's Sur (Syr) as the upper course of the Obi, placing it, 
however, farther to the eastward. One consequence of these 
errors is to bring Samarkand and the country marked " Zagathay" 
close to the Caspian, and to lessen the distance to China, by that 
time identified with Cathay. 


its true position. Yet even down to the middle of 
the present century, geographers laid great stress on 
the long gulf or fiord penetrating eastward from the 
Caspian Sea, as shown on Jenkinson's map, assuming 
that in his time there had been an expansion of the 
Karabugaz or Scythian Gulf to within a few marches 
of Urgendj.^ 

Jenkinson then, with all his mistakes, and we 
readily admit them, rendered great services to geo- 
graphy. He bridges over the lapse of years between 
the travels of Rubruquis and Marco Polo in the thir- 
teenth century, and those of English and Russians 
in the eighteenth century, a long period of uncer- 
tainty and vagueness in the accounts of Central 
Asia. If his endeavours to restore the great inland 
trade route to the East were unsuccessful, he at 
least has the merit of having tried his best, and 
shown that physical changes, affecting not only the 
country, but its inhabitants, were rendering it im- 
practicable. Perhaps the end of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, with the aid of modern engineering, which 
knows no bounds to its peaceful conquests, may see 
realised the hopes of those who followed with the 
keenest interest his footsteps across Asia in the 
sixteenth century. 

Let us now examine his map ; for the writer 
begs respectfully to differ with the opinion put for- 
ward in the Dictionary of National Biography, attri- 
buting its authorship to William Burrough. To 

1 Cf. Zimmermann, Denkschrifty etc., where this part of Jen- 
kinson's map is reproduced. 


this worthy let all due honour be given for his sur- 
veys and map of the coasts of the White Sea, also 
reproduced in this work, without detracting, how- 
ever, from the merits of Anthony Jenkinson. 

It has been remarked by a modern writer^ that 
our knowledge of Eastern Europe dates from the 
publication of Herberstein's work on Russia. The 
map accompanying the first Latin edition, published 
in Vienna in 1549, was engraved on wood by Hirsch- 
vogel, of Nurnburg ; an Italian edition appeared the 
following year at Venice, with a map by Giacomo 
Gastaldo, a Piedmontese, who worked for Ortelius, 
whose atlas, already referred to, contained, among 
others, Jenkinson's, reproduced in facsimile by pho- 
tography for this volume. . These are among the 
earliest maps of Russia, but not the first. That by 
Antonius Wied, or Bied, as Herberstein calls him in 
his preface, was probably published about the year 
1540,^ while another, by Baptista Agnese, dates as 
far back as the year 1525,^ and was probably designed 
for the purpose of illustrating a little work on Russia 
by Paulus Jovius, appearing in a first edition at 
Rome the same year, but without the map. Se- 
bastian Munster introduced a map of part of 

^ Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, ed. 1, pp. 286, 373. 

2 Dr. Michow, in his essay on the oldest maps of Russia, comes 
to the conclusion that Wied's map was published between. 1537 
and 1540.— Michow, in Mittheil d. Geogr. Ges., in Hamburg^ heft 
i, pp. 116, seqq., 1886. But see infra. 

3 A Russian, probably either Vasili Ylassy or Demetrius Geras- 
simof, displayed a map at Augsburg in 1525, to demonstrate a 
/short route to Cathay. — llamel^ p. ll-"). 


Russia, copied from WIed's, in the text of his cos- 
mography. Jenkinson's map compares favourably 
with any of these. For the northern portion he was 
doubtless indebted to the observations and surveys 
of his countrymen ; for the south and east he must 
have depended almost wholly on his own work ; while 
for the western border-lands of Bussia, Livonia, 
Lithuania, Poland, the shores of the Baltic, and 
Gulf of Finland, he probably borrowed from Wied. 
Unlike the latter, he places north at the top of his 
map, east and west to the right and left. On either 
side he has marked the degrees of latitude, without, 
however, drawing the lines across. The dedication 
in the left-hand corner at the bottom is to Sir Henry 
Sidney, father of Sir Philip Sidney, and formerly 
companion of the young King Edward the Sixth.^ It 
runs as follows : ^'Russice , Moscovice et Tartarice de- 
scriptio . Auctore Antonio Jenkenson Anglo , edita 
Londini Anno 15G2 et dedicata illustrissimo D.\xici\ 
Henrico Sydneo Wallice prcesidi , ." 

In the top left-hand corner is a figure of Ivan the 
Terrible seated in a chair at the entrance to a tent, 
the flaps of which are drawn back to disclose the 
seated figure. This was a usual way, in maps of 
that period, in indicating that any particular country 
was under one sovereign {cf, Agnese's map). The 
inscription below is as follows : ''loannes Basilius 

1 "Henry Sidney was knighted in 1549 by Edward VI, who 
njade him principal gentleman of his Privy Chamber, and in 1550 
his chief cup-bearer for life. In the 2nd of Elizabeth (1560) he 
was appointed Lord President of Wales. — Bioyrajyhia Britanuica. 


Magnus Imperator Russice ; Dux Moscouicb'\ etc. At 
the bottom of the map is a scale of English miJes, 
Russian versts, and Spanish leagues. The first thing 
to be noticed is, that the distances, according to the 
scale, between the north and south are fairly correct, 
more so than on any of the older maps already men- 
tioned ; a fact due, doubtless, to the observations for 
latitude, taken by the English wherever they went. 
Measured by the scale, Kholmogori is 1,200 miles 
from Astrakhan, in a straight line, and this is not far 
out ; nor is the breadth from east to west, 900 miles 
from Kazan to the Baltic, very inaccurate, though, 
owing to the want of longitudes, discrepancies were 
to be expected. 

On the north, Russia is bounded by the Mare 
Septentrionale, no longer the Oceanus Siticus (Scy- 
thicus) of Agnese, or the Mare Glaciale of Herber- 
stein. Out of this sea a passage, or so-called 
"throat", leads into the Bay of St. Nicholas of the 
sixteenth century navigators, the White Sea of the 
present day, unnamed on the map. This sea is too 
small in proportion to the map, and the gulfs of 
Onega and Kandalaks are omitted. The river Onega 
debouches at Solofki (Solovetsky) in lat. 66"", two 
degrees too far north, an error attributable to the 
want of observations here. 

Taking the places in their order along the coast, 
the northernmost is Wardhous (Vardo), the well- 
known Norwegian fort and haven ; south-east of this 
is Khegore (Ribatchi, or Fishers' peninsula), with 
Domshaff (Yaranger fiord) intervening. The next 


headland is S. Maria ness (St. Mary's point), with 
the river Kola discharging into the sea to the south 
of it; then follow Kildma Ostroua (Kildyn Island), 
with Ins. S. Petri (St. Peter s Island) off the coast, 
Cape Soberbere (Teriberskoi), Arsena fl. (the river 
Arzina), memorable as the scene of Willoughby's 
tragic death, Insulse S. Georgii (St. Goerge's Islands), 
lying off the coast. Iiiana ost., also marked Ins. S. 
lois (Johannis), comes next. Then follow Cape 
Comfort and Cape Gallant, two headlands, shown 
more, distinctly on Burrough's map, the second better 
known as Sviatoi noss, the Sweteness of the narra- 
tive ; Lomboshok (Lumbovsky bay). Corpus X** 
point (Gorodetsky point), Baia S. Albani (St. Albans 
bay), and Cape Race (Cape Orlof), forming, with a 
headland on the opposite coast, the entrance to the 
White Sea. In the narrative (text, p. 22), Jen- 
kinson evidently is mistaken in speaking of Cape 
Grace as the entrance to the White Sea. His lati- 
tude of Cape Grace {QG"" 45') should refer to Cape 
Race, correctly placed on Burrough's map, but on 
Jenkinson's upwards of a degree too far north. On 
Burrough's map the mouth of the Ponoy is shown in 
its right position, south of Cape Race (Orlof). Here, 
on both maps, is the large island of Morzouetz 
(Morjovetz) ; on Jenkinson's it is too near to the 
Lapland coast, whilst on Burrough's it is correctly 
placed off the entrance to the Gulf of Mezen. Ins. 
S. Crucis — Crosse Island of the text, the Sosnovets 
of modern maps — is another island in the ''throat" of 
the White Sea, near the south coast of Lapland. 


Continuing along the coast from Cape S. Gratise 
(Grace), or Point Krasni (red) of Eussian charts, the 
next name is Pouloge N., corresponding with Pow- 
logne fl. on Burroughs map, identified with the 
river Poulonga, a small stream falling into the sea. 
South of it is Pelitsa fl. (the river Pialitsa). Nico- 
nesko N., on Burrough's map Niconemsko noze 
(Nikodimskoi point) comes next. South-west of 
this, where the coast of Lapland turns in a westerly 
direction, is the mouth of the Strelna, a name still 
preserved on modern maps ; Tetrene N. (Tetrina), a 
point on the coast; Chiauon fl., Chauon on Burrough's 
map (the river Chavanga), and Yarziga fl. (the 

So far the maps o. Jenkinson and Burrough are 
correct, allowance being made for the rough methods 
of surveying and map-making then in use. Beyond 
this point, however, the coast is incorrectly outlined, 
the gulfs of Kandalaks and Onega being altogether 
omitted. These were out of the track of vessels 
sailing to St. Nicholas, and had not yet been visited 
by the English. Solofki (Solovetski), the island 
monastery, is on Jenkinson's map in lat. 66° ; on 
Burrough's, its position about a degree farther south 
is more correct. Entering the bay of St. Nicholas 
(Gulf of Archangel), Owna (Una) with its bay are 
found on both maps, Newnox (Nenoksa) on Bur- 
rough's only. Next is St. Nicholas, at the estuary 
of the Dwina ; and about sixty miles up this river 
Cclmogro (Kholmogori). Facing St. Nicholas, on 
the right of the estuar}^ is the m.onastery of St. 


Michael, more correctly placed on Burrough's map 
above the delta of the Dwlna, where the city of 
Archangel afterwards rose. Following the coast in 
a northerly direction we come to Sugha More (the 
dry sea), a bay of the Gulf of Archangel, shown but 
not named on Jenkinson's map. After passing this, 
the next headland is Koska noze, Koska nos of Jen- 
kinson's map (Jiodie Cape Kuiski), projecting south- 
west. The next name is Posda fl. (probably Kosli), 
and at the northern end of the gulf, Foxnos (Foxe- 
nose of the text, p. 22), now better known as Cape 
Kerets, in lat. 65° 20'. The coast "now turns to the 
north-east, and is known to Russians as the Zimni, 
or winter coast, because it faces the north, in contra- 
distinction to the Letni, summer, i.e. warm, coast 
opposite. The next name on Jenkinson's map is 
Zolotitsa; Burrough hasToua flu., probably a mistake, 
for the river is to the present day known as the 
Zolotitsa. Next is Point Penticost, Paynticost on 
Burro ugh's map, probably Cape Intsi, whose high, 
sandy cliff is visible twelve miles at sea. Northward 
again is Cape Boa Fortun, on Burrough's map Cape 
Good Fortune, now known as Cape Yoronov, at the 
entrance to the Gulf of Mezen. This gulf receives 
the discharge of two rivers, the Mezen and another, 
named on Burrough's map Kowloay fl. (Kuloi river), 
but confused in Jenkinson's with the Pinego, a right 
affluent of the Dwina, as he correctly observes in his 
narrative (p. 23). He is, however, not far wrong in 
uniting the two, for the upper Kuloi runs so close to 
the Pinego that a distance of only seven to ten 


miles separates them, and it is said that a canal 
unites these rivers.^ 

On the right bank of the Mezen, near its mouth, 
is Lampas, the great mart in those days for the Samo- 
yedes and other northern nations. Near Lampas, 
on Jenkinson's map, is Sloboda (suburb), probably 
occupied by foreigners arriving from the south to 
trade with the people of the country in furs, etc. 
The next point is Cape S. lois, Cape St. John on 
Burrough's map, now Cape Kanushin, the south- 
western extremity of Kanin peninsula. This penin- 
sula is represented on both maps as an island, the 
fact being that in the narrow isthmus connecting it 
with the mainland, two rivers, the Chij and Chesha, 
the former flowing into the White Sea, the latter 
into the Arctic Ocean, are so nearly united in 
their upper courses that boats have sometimes passed 
from the White Sea into the Gulf of Cheshskaia in 
order to avoid the long circumnavigation of Kanin 
peninsula. At its north-western extremity' is Cape 
Kanin, marked Caninoz on Jenkinson's, and Canynoze 
on Burrough's map. On both maps this peninsula is 
too wide by one-half from east to west in its broadest 
part, and the isthmus is not shown. East of Cape 
Kanin on Jenkinson's map is the name Morzouets, 
on Burrough's Morgeouets, probably referring to 
Cape Makovaia. Cheshskaia bay is shown, but 
not named on either of our maps, but on Burrough's 
its eastern shoulder, Suati noze (Cape Sviatoi) is 
named. Off this bay is the large uninhabited, and 

1 Semeonof, art. " Kuloi"; cf. Herberstein, in Hakl. Soc, ii, p. 38. 


apparently uninhabitable, island of Colgoieue (Kol- 
guev). The mainland opposite bears the name of 
Condora, also known as Kondia, so named after the 
river Konda, an affluent of the Irtish. According 
to Spruner - Menke, Kondia should lie south of 
Yugria. East of Condora, on Jenkinson's map, is 
shown the river Pechora (Burrough's only shows 
its mouth), flowing almost due north through lake 
Pustezora (Pustozero), visited by agents of the Russia 
Company^ in the early years of the succeeding 
(seventeenth) century. Beyond this river lies a 
range of hills named on Jenkinson's map Orhis 
zona monies, the Bolshoi Kamen (great rock) 
of Russian coasters. From their position on Jen- 
kinson's map, they are evidently the Pai-Khoi 
(Samoyed for " rocky range"), running parallel with 
the Kara Sea to Yugorsky Shar or Vaigats straits, 
and are therefore distinct from the Ural Moun- 
tains, represented on Gastaldo's, Herberstein's, and 
other old maps as the girdle of the earth, cingu- 
lus terrce. Thirty miles of tundra, plain, and lake 
separate these two ranges ; yet it is somewhat re- 
markable that Jenkinson should have altogether 
omitted the Ural. On either side of these moun- 
tains he places Obdora (Obdoria), the country near 
the mouth of the Obi, subjugated by the Muscovites 
at the end of the fifteenth century, and included 
among the titles of the Tsar from the middle of the 
sixteenth century (text, p. 229). The island of 
Vaigats and the southern end of Nova Zembla are 
Cf. Purchas, ed. 1614, pp. 431, 433. 


shown on both maps, doubtless from Stephen Bur- 
rough's survey in 1556, while Herberstein and Wied 
altogether ignore this region. 

The Oba (Obi) formed the eastern limit of known 
territory at the end of the sixteenth century, and it 
was not till the year 1581 that Yermak, the Cossack, 
reached the banks of its chief tributary, the Irtish, 
and founded at Sibir a new empire for the Tsar. 
All beyond the Obi was conjectural, and it is there- 
fore not surprising that the cartographers of that 
period should have represented this river in an 
exaggerated way. Wied.. Gastaldo, and Herberstein 
place its sources in the Kitaysko lacus (Aral Sea). 
Jenkinson also makes it flow out of this lake, and 
leads his miraculous Ardok into it. On Herber- 
stein's map Khanbalikh, the capital of China, lies 
on the bank of Kitaisko lacus, the name Kitaisco 
(Kithayan or Cathayan) having doubtless led him 
to suppose that Cathay or China began there — 
Cumhalick regia in Kytay, Jenkinson, more cor- 
rectly informed, fills in the space to the east of the 
Aral and Obi with pictures and legends illustrative 
of the life of the nomad tribes. Yet even he repeats 
the story of the Zlata Baba, the golden hag wor- 
shipped by the inhabitants of Joughoria (Yugria) in 
the extreme north. He represents the figure much 
in the same way as Wied — a woman standing on a 
pedestal holding an infant in her arms, with another 
by her side (Wied shows only one child), and two 
men worshipping before her. The legend runs thus : 
''Zlata Baha, it est aurea vetida ah Obdorianis et 


lougorianis religiose colitur. Idolum hoc sacerdos 
considit, quid ipsis faciendum, quove sit migrandum, 
ijpsumque (dictu mirum) certa considentihus dat re- 
sponsa, certique euentus consequimticr." The earliest 
notice of this idol is found in Matt. v. Miechow 
(1517), who says: '' Accipiat (sc. lector) quod post 
terram Viathka nuncupatcun in Scythiam p)enetrando 
jacet magnum idolum Zlotabaha quod interpretatum 
sonat aurea anus sen vetula quod gentes vicince colunt 
et venerant, nee aliquis in proximo gradiens autferas 
agitando et in venatione sectando vacuus et sine ohla- 
tione pertransit ; quin imo si munus nohile deest, 
pellem aut saltem de veste extractum pilum in offer- 
torium idolo projicit et inclinando se cum reverentia 
pertransit y^ 

It is curious to find the locality connected with 
this story removed further away as the century 
groAvs older : at first, it is beyond Viatka ; then we 
hear of it in the region of Obdoria (Abdoria on 
Wied's map), on this side the Obi ; and lastly, it 
appears in Yugria, beyond the great river. In the 
seventeenth century the idol is still referred to as 
located on the banks of the Ob, and a writer^ of that 
period remarks that the golden woman had been 
compared with Isis, motlier of the gods, and that in 
her temple were musical instruments used by the 
priests, in order to make the people beUeve that the 
idol spoke of itself. It is also worthy of remark 
that the family of this golden dame increases. 

^ Michow, Ix.^ p. 136 ; a quotation from Grynseus, Nov. OrhU. 
^ Peter Petrigus de Erlemuda, quoted by Michow, I.e., p. 137. 


Herberstein represents her childless, with a wand in 
her left hand, and with the right outstretched. In 
his commentaries, however, he speaks of both 
children, and that one of these was believed to be 
her grandson.^ Wied represents her with only one 
child in arms, and attended by four worshippers. 
Sebastian Munster omits any mention of her ; and 
has, instead, a column with the figure of an animal 
at the top, and one worshipper below, referring to 
the Stolp {Stolb, sl pillar) legend, perhaps connected 
with the " tower of Alexander", mentioned in the 
Mesalak al Ahsar? Stone idols are not uncommon 
in various parts of Central Asia at the present day, 
as the writer can testify, having come across two in 
1880, one at the public garden in Verny, the other 
at the post station of Altyn Immel (golden saddle), 
on the road to Kuldja. 

Another of the pictures on Jenkinson's map repre- 
sents two figures kneeling before a sort of flag 
attached to a pole, with the following legend : — 
" Horum regionum incolce Solem, vel rubrum pan- 
num pertica suspensum adorant. In castris vitam 
ducunt ; ac olim animatium (animalium) serpentium, 
verminumque came vescuntur ac proprio idiomate 
vtuntur." Above are the words " Baida" (?) " Col- 
mack". Wied has, in the same place, " Kalmucky 
horda", with tents and two men, one on horseback ; 
and the note, " Hi longum capillitium gestant", an 
allusion to the long hair worn by Kalmuks, even at 

* Notes upon Rtissia, Hakl. Soc, ii, p. 41. 
2 Yule's Marco Polo^ 2nd edition, ii, p. 485. 


the present day, in Turkestan. The allusion to sun 
worship is probably some mistake of Jenkinson's, 
for the Kalmuks are Buddhists by religion, with 
strong tendencies to Lamaism, except their northern 
kinsmen, the Buriats, among whom there are traces 
of Shamanism. 

A region so remote and unknown as the banks 
of the Obi was a fertile ground for the most impos- 
sible stories or travellers' tales. Of these, Jenkin- 
son gives us a specimen in the following legend : — 
*'Hcec saxahominum iumentorum camelorum pecorum- 
que ceterarumque rerum formas referentia, Horda 
populi gregis pascentis armentaque fait : Quce stu- 
penda quadam metamorphosi, repente in saxa riguit^ 
priori forma nulla in parte diminuta. Euenit hoc pro* 
digium annis circiter 300 retro elapsis.'' Did Jen- 
kinson believe, or expect his readers to believe, so 
miraculous a story ? If so, he was more gullible 
than we could have supposed. It is impossible to 
say. But whatever may have been the origin, it is a 
pity that he should have repeated on his map, as 
fact, what could be nothing but fiction.^ 

^ Possibly this legend may have prompted one of his biographers 
to compare him with Mendez Pinto and Sir John Mandeville 
(See Gorton's Biographical Dictionary). Purchas alludes to it in 
the following way : 

"Master Jenkinson mentioncth a Nation lining among the 
Tartars called Kings ; which are also Gentiles, as are also the 
Kirgessen (of whom wee haue spoken) and the Colmackea, which 
worship the sunne, as they doe also a redde cloth, fastened to the 
toppe of a Pole, and eate serpentes, wormes, and other filth. 
Neere to which he placeth (in his Mappe of Russia) certaine 
Statues or Pillars of Stone, which sometimes were Hoords of men 


Below this, again, is Cossackia, the country of the 
Kazaks, or Kirghiz, a people now spread over vast 
tracts, from the Ural to the Altai, and from Western 
Siberia to the Amu. They are described in the 
narrative (p. 90) as Muhammadans, but in the legend 
on the map an allusion is made to their heathen 
rites, thus : " Kirgessi gens cateruatim deget, id est in 
liordis, habetque ritum huiusmodi; cum rem diuinam 
ipsorum sacerdos peragit, sanguinem lac et fonum 
iumentorum accipit, ac terrce miscet, inque vas quod- 
dam in/undit, eoque arhorem scandit, atque condone 
hahita in populum spargit, atque licec asperslo pro 
Deo habetur et colitur. Cum quis diem [dies] inter 
illos obit loco sepulturce arboribus suspendunt" 

It was not till the middle of the sixteenth century 

that the Kirghiz were converted to Muhammad- 

anism, their Khan, Kuchum, having first adopted 

this faith ; and being extremely superstitious and 

much given to sorcery, they indulged in all kinds 

of curious practices.^ That in the legend may have 

been one, though it no longer survives ; moreover, 

it would be difficult to find trees strong enough 

to bear the weight of a man's body, as figured on 

the map, in the steppe where their camping-grounds 

are situate. The custom, however, of exposing the 

dead appears still to prevail, the writer himself 

having seen the bodies of two Kirghiz on bushes on 

and Beasts feeding, transformed by diuine power (if it be not 
humane errour) into this stonie substance, retaining their pristine 
shape." — Pnrchas, 1614, p. 426. 

^ Levchine, Description des Hordes et des Steppes des Kiryhiz- 
Kazah-, p. 330 se</. 


the bank of a river where they had been drowned in 
attempting to cross. 

Tashkend, on the Sur (Syr) is two degrees too 
far north ; and to the south-east of it are more 
Kirghiz-Kazaks, who were, as the text says (p. 91), 
at war with Tashkend. South-west of Tashkend is 
Acsow, the town of Akhsi of Baber's memoirs, to the 
north of the Jaxartes ; and beyond it, in the same 
direction, Andeghen (Andijan, in the valley of this 
river). Baber says of it that, " after the fortresses 
of Samarkand and Kesh, none is equal in size 
to Andijan".^ South south-west of Tashkend is 
the city of Samarkand, with the inscription : '^Sha- 
marcandia olim totius Tartarice metro'polis fuit at 
nunc riiinis deforniis iacet, vna cum niidtis antiqui- 
tatis vestigiis. Hie conditus est Tamerlanes ille qui 
olim Turcaruni Imperatoyem Baijasitem captum 
aureis catenis vinctum circumtidit. Incolce mahume- 
tani sunt.'' From this it appears that Samarkand 
was already in ruins in the middle of the sixteenth 
century. Yet only sixty years before (1497) Baber 
describes it at the height of its glory f so that its 
destruction must have taken place in the first half 
of the sixteenth century, during those frequent and 
devastating wars between the Uzbek princes and the 
descendants of Timur. In the south-east corner of 
the map is the name Mhogol (Mogol), so continually 
mentioned by Baber, whose dynasty, founded in 
Hindustan in 1526, was called after it. Balgh 

^ Memoirs of Baber, Leydeu and Erskiiie, p. 2. 

-^ Ibul., p. 48. 


(Balkh), the ancient Baotria, stands on the map 
east of the hypothetical river Ougus. It should be 
south of the Amu and between this river and the 
Paropamisus range. To the east of it Cascara 
(Kashgar), with the legend: ''Cascara, hinc triginta 
dierum itinere orientem versus incipiunt termini im^ 
perii Cathaijce. Ah his limitibiis ad Cambalu 
trium mensium iter interiacet" 

According to Hadji Mahomet, it was eighty-eight 
days (text, p. 107) from Kashgar to Succuir (Suh- 
chau), on the Chinese frontier, by the northern route 
through Aksu, Kucha, Karashahr, Turfan, and Hami. 
Jenkinson, in the text (p. 92), allows nine months 
for the journey from Bokhara to Cathay. Deducting 
one month for the march to Kashgar, this would 
leave eight months to Cambalu (Peking), instead of 
four, allowed by his map. Pichard Johnson's notes, 
however, agree with the map (pp. 101-103). The 
next place is Kirshi (Karshi), on the Ougus (? Oxus), 
placed south south-east of Bokhara, in about its 
true relative position, the hydrography being all 
wrong, as already stated. North of Bokhara, on 
the fictitious Amow, is Ghudou (? Kuduk Mazar; 
see Walker s map), Cosin (? Wan Ghazi), and Kyr- 
mina (Kermina), on the Zarafshan ; lastly, Carakol 
(Kara Kul), on the left bank of the Oxus, instead 
of on the right. At the foot of the map are the 
Parapomisi montes, where, according to the text 
(p. 68), the Oxus should take its rise. 

In Persia the following towns are marked on the 
map : Corosan magna (probably Herat), Meshent 


(Meshed), Ardwen (Ardebil), Teubres (Tabriz), and 
Casbi (Kazvin). The people of this country are 
represented wearing long flowing robes, and high 
peaked hats ; armed with sword and bow and 
arrows. The animals are the one-humped camel or 
dromedary, the two-humped species, now common in 
Turkestan, being conspicuous by its absence from 
the map. Media (Shirvan) is placed south-east of 
the Caspian instead of south-west, the towns Sha- 
magi (Shemakha), Dirben (Derbent), Backow (Baku), 
and Shaueren (Shabran) being all out of place. It 
should, however, be observed that the map is dated 
1562, before his return from his second journey, and 
therefore the southern coasts of the Caspian and 
countries bordering on them are delineated entirely 
from hearsay information, collected on his first 

The region of Turkmen (Turkomania) includes the 
lower Ougus (Oxus), with the towns of Mare (Merv) 
and Corasan parva (?), south of this river. To the last- 
named there is the following note : ^^ A rege Persico 
adiuuantibus Tartaris 1558 expugnata fuit" North 
of it is Cant (Kait of the text), Vrgence (Urgendj), 
Shay sure, the Sellizure of the text (p. 69), with the 
following legend : ''A Mangusla Shaysuram usque 
20 dierum iter hahent, sine vllis sedihus cum summa 
aquce penuria. A Shay sura usque Boghar par 
itineris interuallum latrociniis infestum", explained 
by his narrative (pp. 68-81). North of the Caspian, 
the rivers Yem (Emba), Yaick and Volga fall into 
this sea. About sixty miles from the mouth of the 


Yaik stands the city of Sharacbik (Saraichik), the 
head-quarters of the Nogai Tartars. Wied places 
Seraichik on the right bank of the Yaik, Herber- 
stein near the estuary of the Volga ; indeed, this 
part of Jenkinson's map is more correct than any of 
the older maps. Higher up the Yaik is Shakashik, 
a place we are unable to identify. On the right 
bank of the Yaik occurs the name of Bagthiar, 
having perhaps a connection with the tribe of Bakh- 
6iari, now inhabiting Khuzistan, in Persia, of whom 
modern travellers. Baron de Bode,Ilawlinson,Layard, 
and Abbott, have written.^ The Bakhtiari were 
transplanted by Nadir Shah to the Turkoman 

Two islands, Boghnata and Aourghan (Ak-Kur- 
ghan), near the northern coast of the Caspian, are 
mentioned in the text (p. 60). On the west coast 
are Tumensko (p. .127), too far south, and Shalcaue 
(Shamkhal). Stara and Noua Astracan (Old and 
New Astrakhan), the latter on an island, are shown 
on the map. Between the Caspian and Sea of 
Azof are the Chirkassi Petigorski, the Circassians 
of the five hills {piat, five, and gora, a mountain), 
from the five lofty mountains which overlook their 
country. These Circassians were subdued by Ivan 
in 1555, and their king's daughter became his second 
wife (text, p. 122). The broad lands of Tartary 

1 See Journal, R. G. S., vols, ix, xiii, xvi, xxv. The late M. N. de 
Khanikof remarks on the uncertainty of the origin of the Bakh- 
tiaris, some of whose tribes appear to have been of Turkish descent, 
while others were of Iranian and Semitic origin.— L'ethno(/raphie 
de la Ptrse, p. 110. 


extended right across Southern Russia, from the Sea 
of Azof on the west, to the Obi on the east. The 
fate of Tartary, however, was sealed by the fall of 
Kazan, and its final subjugation was merely a ques- 
tion of time. 

Ascending the Volga, the first place we find 
marked on the map is Meshet, on the left east bank, 
nearly opposite Pereuolock (Perevolog of the text, 
pp. 55, 443), where the modern Tsaritsin stands. 
This Meshet is of some arch^ological importance, as 
it may undoubtedly be identified with the present 
village of Mechetnaia {viechet, a mosque) on the 
post road to Tsarev. Near this village are the 
remains of a great Tartar town, described by Pallas, 
and identified by him with Sarai, the capital of the 
Golden Horde. Among the ruins were those of a 
fortress, caravanserai, and mosque ; and articles of 
value, such as gold saddle-ornaments, etc., were 
found. Col. Yule incli^ies to the opinion that the 
ruins near Tsarev are those of New Sarai, and that 
the older city, founded by Batu Khan, was lower 
down the Akhtuba, or eastern arm of the Volga. ^ 

Higher up the Volga three tributaries join it on 
the left bank, the Ouruslaue fl. (Buguruslan), pro- 
bably the riuer Kinel, which flows past the district 
town of Buguruslan in the Government of Samara ; 
the Vrghiz fl: (Irghiz), a slowly meandering stream ; 

^ Cf. Col. Yule's note on Sarai, in Marco Polo, second edition, 
vol. i, pp. 5 and 6. Semeonof, art. "Mechetnaia". A recent author. 
Max Schmidt, takes the same view as Col. Yule; cf. Petermann, 
Mitth., 32 Band, 1886, ii, Literaturherichf, p. 15. 


and lastly, the Samar fl. (river Samara), flowing from 
the Ural Mountains (text, p. 54). Neither Wied's 
nor Herberstein's maps show any tributaries of the 
Volga between its delta and the Kama. Jenkin- 
son s information here is therefore both new and 
correct. On the right bank is the name of a people, 
the Mordua (Mordva of the text, p. 47), in much the 
same position as that occupied by them at the present 
day. Above these are the Ceremise Gorni (hill Che- 
remissi, i.e,, inhabiting the right high bank of the 
Volga) ; and above Kazan, on the left low bank of the 
same river, the Ceremise Lowgovoi (Cheremissi of the 
low land — luga, a meadow). Wied omits them alto- 
gether on his map, but Herberstein has Czeremissa 
Populi, above Kazan. These Cheremissi were a great 
worry to Ivan long after the fall of Kazan and the 
transfer to him of their allegiance. The Cama 
(Kama) flows in from the north-east and joins the 
Volga at its great bend to the south ; the Viatka, a 
right tributary of the Kama, flowing near the town 
of Viatsko (Viatka), in the country of Vachin (p. 50). 
Cazane gorode (the city of Kazan) stands at the 
confluence of a small river, the Kazanka, flowing 
out of a lake. In Wied's map it bears its Tartar 
name, Kassanorda. Higher up the Volga are 
Suiatsko (Swasko of the text, p. 48), Schabogshar 
(Cheboksari, p. 46), Vasili gorod (p. 46), Nisnouo 
gorod (Nijni Novgorod, p. 45), all on the right bank. 
Here the Volga is joined by its tributary, the Oka ; 
but this name is reserved on Jenkin son's map for its 
upper course, the lower being named Mosko fl., a 


tributary flowing past the city of Mosco. Ascending 
the Oka, the first affluent on its left is the Desma 
(KHazma) ; higher up is the town of Muron, on the 
left bank, and Cassimgorode (text, p. 43), Mestzora 
(Meschersk). of Wied's map, and Casimow gorod of 
Herberstein's. Above this, on the same bank, are 
Tereckhoue (text, p. 43), and Prona, on a right tribu- 
tary, doubtless the Prona. 

Returning to the main river, the next place is 
Pereslaue (Riazan, p. 42), and above it Tereuetisko 
(Perevitsky, p. 41). At the fork of the Moskva and 
Oka stands the town of Kolom (Kolomna), the 
Collom of the text (p. 42), and above it, on both 
banks of the Moskva, the metropolitan city of Mosco. 
Moisaisky (Mojaisk), also on the Moskva, west south- 
west of Mosco, was a place of importance in the 
sixteenth century. It was here that Ivan built a 
strong fortress as a protection to Mosco in 1541.^ 
Here, too, he sometimes received foreign ambas- 
sadors.- North of Mosco is Troitsky, with a cross 
over the stamp to show that it is a monastery (see 
Appendix, pp. 369 seq.), and north of it again Peras- 
laue (Pereyaslaf Zalessky, p. 29), near its lake. 

Returning to the Volga, the first place above 
Nijny Novgorod is Balaghna (Balakhna), on the right 
bank. To this town Ivan III, on subduing Nov- 
gorod in 1479, transferred some of its citizens. 
Higher up, and on the same side of the river, are 
louriauich ( Yurievitch), Kmyshma (Kineshma), left 
by Ivan III in his will to Prince Belsky ; and Plessa 
^ Cf. Herhersteiny ii, 20. 


(Pless), the scene of a great battle between the 
Russians and Tartars in 1540. Above this, stand 
Costrome (Kostroma) and Yearaslaue (Yaroslaf, p. 
28), both famous for their flax trade, the latter much 
frequented by the English merchants in the sixteenth 
century, who built here their vessels for navigating 
the Caspian. Above Yaroslaf the Volga is joined by 
the Sheksna and the Mologa, erroneously united on 
the map. These two rivers are navigable, and form 
part of the elaborate canal systems uniting the Volga 
with the Gulf of Finland. The Sheksna, unnamed, 
is represented on the map flowing out of Lake Biatla- 
ozera (Bielozero, white lake) ; on Herberstein's map, 
Albus Lacus ; and on Wied's, ^' Belli Je sera hoc est 
amplum mare Hue tem2^ore belli Dux Moscouiw 
transfert thesaurum suum'\ Wied's statement is con- 
firmed by Herberstein, who remarks that the city 
does not stand in the lake itself, but is surrounded 
on all sides by marshes, so that it seems impreg- 

Outside the elbow formed by the Volga, above its 
confluence with the Mologa, Jenkinson places the 
mythical town of Kholopia ; on Wied's map, Holobe ; 
and on Herberstein's, Chlopigorod. Herberstein 
relates an amusing anecdote concerning this place,^ 
and says that it was a great mart town in the fif- 
teenth and sixteenth centuries, resorted to by Turks, 
Tartars, and divers people from remote regions ; 
but not a trace of it is left at the present day. 

^ He7'bersteiu, ii, 31. 
' Ibid., ii, 27, 32. 


On the Upper Mologa is Vstiug Zelezna, probably 
Ustiushna of modern maps. Eeturning to the 
main river, we find on the right bank Ouglets 
(Uglitch), where the unfortunate Dmitri, Ivan's 
youngest son, was killed by order of Boris Godunof ; 
opposite is Casshim (Kashin), mentioned in Kussian 
annals as far back as 1238, when Batu with his 
hordes took it. Higher up stands Goradine (Goro- 
detz), otherwise known as Vertiazin, destroyed by 
Ivan in 1569 upon a suspicion that its inhabitants 
were traitors. Twenty miles from Goradine is Tuer 
(Tver), once the seat of a principality. It was at 
Staritsa, near Tver, that our traveller had his last 
audience of the Tsar (p. 319). 

North-west of Tver stands Torjok, a place known 
in these days for its elaborate embroidery on leather. 
Jenkinson's map places the source of the Volga, 
Bha or Edel (text, p. 98), in a lake named Yolock 
lacus, whence the Boristhenes (Dnieper) and Western 
Dwina take their rise. It was a favourite notion of 
the old geographers that one great lake fed the 
sources of a number of rivers,^ and Jenkinson appears 
to have fallen into the prevailing error. Agnese 
shows four rivers diverging from his Palus Magna, 
the fourth being the Neva. Wied and Munster 
have three, but Herberstein is better informed, for 
he travelled through this part of Russia, separates 
every river, and states in his commentaries that he 
had made the discovery that the Bha and Borys- 
thenes did not rise from the same source. Volock, 

^ Cf. Cathny, p. 347. 


the name given by Jenkinson to his fictitious lake, 
is mentioned by Herberstein as a fortified city 
twenty-four miles due west from Mosco.^ 

The Don, or Tanais, was regarded in the middle of 
the sixteenth century as the eastern limit of Europe. 
Jenkinson placed its source in the Rezanskoi ozero 
(lake of Rezan, p. 55), and made it flow through two 
more lakes, Plogo ozero (?), and luan ozero, the 
last of these being its true source. Agnese shows 
the course of the Don with its great easterly bend 
very well, but Wied and Herberstein both insert the 
two apocryphal lakes, and connect this river with 
the Oka. Jenkinson shows only one tributary of 
the Don, the Sosna. Herberstein has, besides, the 
Minor Tanais vel Donecz (Donets). At the estuary 
of the Don, in the Palus Meotis (Sea of Azof), stands 
the town of Asou (Azof), on the older maps Tana. 
Once a Greek, and afterwards a Genoese, colony, 
Azof had been a flourishing place of trade, and 
the starting-point of caravans bound for Cathay. 
In the sixteenth century it was a possession of. the 
Turks. Wied's map has *'Assow Turca possidef\ and 
it was here they planned their expedition against 
Astrakhan in 1569 (text, p. 424). The Borysthenes, 
or Neper (Dnieper), rises, according to the map, in 
Volock lacus, flows past Smolensk, through the 
borderlands of Russia, Poland, and Lithuania, receiv- 
ing a left tributary, the Sos (Soj), and afterwards 
the Desna. The old Russian town of Starodub stands 
in the angle formed by the Dnieper and Desna. On 

^ Herberstein^ ii, 22. 


the riglit bank of the former is Kiou (Kieff), "a Citie 
stately and beautifull, having in it three hundred 
churches and more", before Batu Khan and his 
Tartars destroyed it in 1241.^ Wied and Munster 
place the city right across the river. To the west 
of the Dnieper is the legend ** Hcbc pars Lituanice 
Imperatori Russics subdita esf\ referring to Ivan's 
conquests in the earlier years of his reign (p. 35). 
On the Western Dwina the only place marked 
is Vitebsk ; but this part of the map, as already 
stated, is the weakest. Neither Polotsk, Dunaburg, 
nor Riga, are shown. Sinus Finlandicus {Gulf 
of Finland) lies north and south, instead of east 
and west ; as a consequence of this error, the rivers 
running into it have a westerly course, nearly parallel 
with the Dwina. Lakes Pskof and Peipus are 
both omitted, while Lake Ladoga is divided into two 
small lakes, Radiskoff (Ladoga) and Ourshock (Ore- 
shok, the old name of Schltisselburg), from the latter 
of which issues the Volgha fl. (Neva). Wied's 
errors have evidently been adopted without correc- 
tion by Jenkinson, who had not seen this country 
when he made his map. Herberstein is more 
accurate. He gives to Lake Ladoga its relative size ; 
shows the Neva flowing out of it ; but confuses the 
Gulf of Finland with the Baltic, naming the two 
collectively Sinus Livpnicus et Ruthenicus, the 
boundary of the Rutheni or Moscovites. 

In the region about Pskof and Novgorod, on 
Jenkinson's map, the Velika fl. (river Veliki) 
^ Purckas, ed. cit., p. 404. 


takes its rise near Owpocki (Owpotchka), flows 
north-east to Voronets (Voronetch), — two towns 
celebrated in the wars of Russia in the six- 
teenth century with Lithuania and Poland, — then 
north-west to Pskoue (Pskof), referred to in the 
early English narratives and documents as Plesco, 
Plasco, and Vopsko. Kebela, on Wied's map Ko- 
bela, is the modern Kublovsk. Opposite it, a river 
flowing from the south joins the Veliki (Narova), 
having no existence in fact, with eight town stamps, 
four on either side, without names. These appear on 
Wied's map eis" A castra Moscouitarum' and'' 4 castra 
Liuoniorum" , on a river, also nameless, and probably 
represent the positions of the armed forces of Mus- 
covy and Livonia, near Dorpat, before the outbreak 
of hostilities in 1555, the date of publication of 
Wied's map.^ At the mouth of the Yehki (Narova) 
are the towns of Rougodine (Rugodin) vel Narue 
(Narva), the former being the name for Narva in the 
thirteenth century annals, and facing it on the right 
bank, luan gorode (Ivangorod), occupying the site of 
the ancient city of Rugodin, burnt by the Nov- 
gorodians in 1294.^ 

Next come Novogardia (Novgorod), the district, 
with its city, Nouogorod Velica (Veliki, i.e., the 
Great), described by Chancellor in 1555, correctly 
placed at the outflow of a river, unnamed (the Volk- 

1 This would seem to show that the date 1555 on the map, in 
both of the lower corners, was really the year of its production, 
and not a slip, as Dr. Michow thinks. Cf. ante, p. cxx. 

^ Semeonof, art. *' Ivangorod". 


hof), from lake lima (Ilmen). Lake Ilmen is fed by no 
less than twenty streams, but the old maps, with 
their exaggerated way of drawing rivers, only find 
room for three. The chief of these, the Msta — on 
Jenkinson's map Vista — was crossed by Herberstein 
on his way from Novgorod to Mosco. This river, as he 
remarks, is navigable, and forms part of the Vyshni 
Volok canal system, the most direct but most diflScult 
of the water highways, uniting the Volga with the 
Neva. The centre of this canal system and chief 
town of the district, shown on Jenkinson's map as 
Volochock (Vyshni Volochok), near lake Ilmen, stands 
on the Sna, at the upper end of the Tveretski canal, 
some distance from the lake. Volochok was de- 
stroyed by Ivan in 1569. Two other towns, Louke 
(Veliki Luki) and Borckoue (Porkhof), are placed 
south and south-west of lake Ilmen, on two of its 
tributaries, the Lovat and Sheloni. The former is 
mentioned in the annals of Novgorod of the twelfth 
century under the name of Luk, without the prefix 
Veliki (Great), and only acquired this title in the 
fifteenth century. The name is said to be derived from 
the elbow (luk, a bow) described here by the Lovat. 
Porkhof, on both banks of the Sheloni, is mentioned 
as a wealthy town in the fourteenth century, when 
it formed part of the province of Novgorod.^ 

Near the estuary of the river, erroneously named 
Volgha on our map, discharging into the Gulf of 
Finland, is the town of Yama, the Yamburg of the 

^ Semeonof, arts. "Veliki Luki" and " Porkhof". 


present day, near St. Petersburg. In the north- 
western corner of the map the countries of Careha, 
visited a few years later by Southam and Sparke 
(p. 194), Lappia and Biarmia, are named. Eastward 
again is CargopoHa, the province, with its chief town, 
Cargapowl (Kargopol), on the Onega, at the outflow 
of this river from a lake unnamed (Lacha). Kargopol 
is one of the oldest Russian settlements in the north, 
and though it has now sunk into insignificance, its 
history is by no means devoid of interest. It was 
to Kargopol that Prince Dmitry Shemiaka and 
Prince Johan Mojaisky fled from Vassili Yassilivitch 
the Blind, in 1447. In the early part of the sixteenth 
century Kargopol was an important place of trade, 
had its lieutenant-governor and other high officials, 
and received the privilege of trading in salt. In 
1565, when Ivan divided Russia into a national and 
reserved portion, he selected Kargopol as his parti- 
cular property.^ The course of the On^ga from Lake 
Ladoga through the Bielo ozero into Lake Lacha is 
imaginary, as this river only begins at the last-named 
lake, and the Onega lake, unconnected with the 
river, is not shown at all. It should, however, be 
borne in mind that the English had not yet visited 
this region, and that the information contained in 
earlier maps was vague in the extreme. 

Wied has a string of lakes connected by rivers 

near the White Sea ; three of these are named : 

Vigezero (Vyg ozero), Vodloiezero (Vodlo ozero), and 

Onega, and the last-named is connected by a river 

^ Semeonof, art. ** Kargopol". 


(the Svir) with Lake Ladoga. In the basin of the 
Dwina, however, where the English merchants and 
agents passed and repassed, our author's map is more 
accurate. Here the Vologda flows past the town of the 
same name to join the Sughana (Suhona). This last- 
named river leaves Coubensko lacus(Lake Kubensky, 
p: 25, note), has on its right bank Suchko, on the 
left Totma, then the following, all situate on the 
right bank — Brousenskoj Bobronesko and Strelna. 
At the confluence of the lug fi. (Yug) with the 
Suhona is the great mart town of Vstiug (Ustiug, 
text, p. 24). Below it the Dwina, owing its name 
{dwa, two) to the two rivers just mentioned, con- 
tinues its course to the White Sea, receiving on the 
right the Voichegda( Vychegda), flowing from Permia, 
a region occupied on the map by a picture of two 
bears, and a town of the name of Permevelick 
(? Perm'e Veliki), not to be identified, however, with 
the city of Perm on the Kama, for this was only 
founded in 1568. Below the Vychegda the Dwina 
is joined by another right tributary, the Toima, and 
below this again by a left affluent, nameless (the 
Vaga), with the town of Shenkoria (Shenkursk) on 
its upper course. This province is named on the 
map Meschora, a name one would hardly have ex- 
pected to find so far north, as it is identical with 
that of a race of Turco-Finnish origin, now inhabit- 
ing south-eastern parts of Russia, including part of 
the Government of Riazan. North of Meschora the 
Dwina enters the province named after it, and flows 
past Yemsa, Colmogro, and Pinega. 


Summing up the merits and demerits of Jenkin- 
son's map, the best parts are the northern and central, 
the districts on the Volga, White Sea, and Caspian. 
Here the topography is fairly correct, and the 
distances, when measured by the scale, not far wrong. 
The west and north-west are faulty, and are evi- 
dently borrowed from Wied. Owing to the want 
of longitudes, the Caspian Sea is extended too far to 
the west, part of it is almost due south of the White 
Sea, and the Gulf of Finland is also too far west. 
The materials used by Jenkinson, besides his own 
surveys and observations, probably comprised those 
of Stephen and William Burrough and other con- 
temporary Englishmen. But on the whole, his map 
may be considered an original production far in 
advance of any that had up to that time appeared. 
It was included in the great atlas of Ortelius, and 
part of it was copied by Peter Van der Aa, in his 
Aanmerkenswaardigste zee en Landreisyen (Ley den, 
1727), accompanied by an imaginary picture of 
Jenkinson's landing on the east coast of the Cas- 

Some idea may be formed of the estimation in 
which Jenkinson was held by his own countrymen 
from the extract already given of Kichard Eden's 
preface to his translation of Cortez' Arte of Naviga- 
tion, and from the following rhyming verse, taken 
from an old work, entitled Albion s England, by 
William Warner, London, 1602 : — 

nde, ^ 
lind. J 


Warner's '' Albion* s England'\ chap. Ixvi, p. 281. 

It is no common Labour to the Riuer Oh to sayle, 

Howbeit Burrough did therein, not Dangerles preuaile. 

He through the foresayd frozen Seas in Lapland did ariue, 

And thence, to expedite for 06, his Labours did reuiue. 

What he amongst the Vaigats and the barbarous Sanweds, — notes 

Their Idols, Deer-skin Tents, how on their backs they bare their Botes, 

In which, but Hides, securely they doe fish those Seas all day ; 

And how on Deere they ride, and all on Sleds by Deere conuay ; 

Do eate their Dead ; to feast their friends their Children sometime slay ; 

Their store of Sables, Furres, and Pealts fetcht thence from farre away: 

How at our Crab and Lion Signes their Frost and Snow is greate, — 

Let be, and many things we might of this new Tract intreate, 

By Burrough found, whose Praise not much is Chancelors behinde, 

As Master in that Ship with him that first did Russia finde, 

And in this Northeast Trade with Praise do Pet and lachnan mind. 

Yeat longer (for not largelier One yeelds Matter) let vs dwell 

Of lenkinson. But where shall we begin his Lawdes to tell, 

In Europe^ Asia, Affrickf For these all he saw, in all 

Imployd for Englands common good : Nor my rejoycing small. 

That from Elizabeth to Raigne, and I to Hue begunne, 

Hath hapned that Commerce and Fame he to his Natiues wonne. 

Now, vnder his Conduct, was hence vnto his Home conuaide 

The Russian first Ambassadour, Heere honor'd whilst he staide. 

Nor Captaine lenkinson was there lesse graced, where he wrought 

That all things to a wished end were for our traffique brought. 

Here-hence also a friendly League twixt either Prince effected ; 

Nor little is their Amitie of vs to be respected : 

For, though the Moscouites from vs be People farre remote, 

Yeat, if how Danes and Norses haue inuaded vs we note, 

And how the Russies, in the like Attempts, might hold them backe, 

For onely it, were thence no Trade, ill might their Friendship lacke. 

From Mosco then by lournies long the Caspian Sea he crost, 

Himselfe and Goods by Tartars oft in danger to be lost. 

Their Hoordes of carted Tents, like Townes, which Camels drew ; their 

By names of Murses, Sultans^ Cans, to whom for passe he brings 
The Russian King his Letters ; how (and royally they troe) 
With Wild-horse flesh and Mares milke him the Kings did banquet the ; 
Their hawking for the Wild-horse (For their Hawks will seaze vpon 
The horses necke, who chaffing tiers [tears], and so is kild anon; ; 
Their oft Rem ones for Pastures fresh (nor Grasse their Pasture is, 
But healthie Brush, few Cattell though doe thriue as theirs with this) ; 


Their naither vse of Coyne, or Come (for Tillage none is theare) ; 
Such warriors and Horse Archers as they Hue not whom they feare ; 
Their crosse-leg eating on the ground, Pluralitie of wiues 
In Turkeman (So the whole is said), and more of their rude liues. 
And how the Marchants trauailing by Carav/in^ that is, 
Great Drones of laden Camels, Meate and Water often mis ; 
And how for vs did lenkinson in Bactra Mart begin 
Let passe ; to passe to it for vs he did in Persia win ; 
Remembring this, that in Returne from Bactra diuers Kings 
Sent in his charge their Legates, whom to Mosco safe he brings. 
Thence did he sayle for England^ Hence for Mosco backe ag^ine, 
And, with our Queene Elisabeth her letters, did obtaine 
The Mosicks letters to the Kings by whom he then should pas 
For Persian Traffique, and for this he thence im barked was. 

Now in Hyrcana^ Shyruan^ or Media (all as one), 

Suppose our lenkinson before King Ohdolowcans Throne. 

Though sumptuous Citties he possest, yeat, for the Summers heate, 

On airesome Mountaines held he then his Court, with Pleasures great : 

Of silke and gold imbroyderie his Tents, his Robes inchac't 

With Pearles and pretious Stones, and Looks Maiestie him grac't. 

On Carpets rich they trode, rich traines on him attendance gaue, 

With sixe score Concubines, that seem'd so many Queenes for braue. 

Before his faire Pauillion was of water cleere a Fount, 

Drinke for himselfe and his (for most of water they account). 

Scarce Cleopatras Anthony was feasted with more cheere a 

Of varied Meates and spice Conceits than lenkinson was heere : v 

In formall Hawking, Hunting, Chace, not the came Tristram neere. J 

Such, was this King for stately, suph for affable and kinde. 

There and abroad so lou'd and feard as like was rare to finde. 

Yeat, notwithstanding such his Wealth, his Signorie, and State, 

He of the Pei'sian Sophie held his Land, subdued late ; 

But in such friendship, as the Shaugh (the Sophie so is saide) 

Would yeeld to Obdolowcan in what so he should perswade : 

Which well in lenkinson's behalfe but shortly after made. 

Him often questioned this King of vs and Europs strength, 

And him, with Gifts and Priuiledge for Mart, dismist at length. 

Silks raw and wrought, Spices, and Drugs, and more-els worth the Mart 

Our Marchants fetch from thence ; & theare our Marchandize couert. 

Things wisely thus dispatched there, with men for his defence, 

And letters from that King vnto the Shaugh^ he traueld thence. 

In trauell thitherwards he grieves, in wonder, to behold 

The down-Fals of those stately Townes and Castels which, of old, 

Whilst Persia held the Monarchie, were famous ouer all : 

Nor Alexander wonne of these one Feece with labour small. 



The mightie Citties Tauris and Persipolis he past ; 

Two ruin'd Gates, sundred twelue miles, yet extant of this last. 

The Gyants Wonders on the Hill of Quiquiffs heard he tolde, 

And of the yearely Obit which their Maides to Channa holde : 

This was indeed a wonder, for this Virgin so was bent 

To Chastitie that, by selfe-death, the Marrage did preuent. 

Here Mandeuil, perhaps, had bin and tooke occasion heere 

To feare least Elenor in like might imitate too neere : 

Even loyes in Loue discourage Loue, fr5 loyes resumeth cheere. 

Of him, therefore, whilst lenkinson rests at his lornies end, 

With Obdolowcans Sonne, that on the Sophie did attend. 


Chapter Ixviit, 

At Casben hild the Shuwgh his Court, who thirtie yeeres and odd 

Had not been scene abroad, thereof by Prophesie forbodd. 

Like Maiestie he kept, as those great Monarchs did before, 

The Macedons, subdewed them : of Wiues he had like store, 

Besides most bewtious Concubines not lesse than fifteene score ; 

And yearely of the fairest Maides and Wiues doth make new choyce, 

When much the Friends and Husbands of those chosen do reioyce. 

Him blesseth he to whom doth he one of his Relicts giue, — 

Yeat Persian Shaughs esteeme themselues the holiest Kings that liue. 

For when a Christian (whom they call an Infidel, because 

He not beleeues in Mahomet, nor Mortezalies Lawes) 

Is card to audience, least the same prophaine wheare he doth stand, 

Must doffe his shooes, and to and fro tread on new-sifted sand. 

Our Soueraignes Letters to the Shaugh so lenkinson presents, "^ 

Who, being askt his arrant, said those Letters like contents, f 

But new-made Peace with Turkic him of new-sought Trade preuents. ^ 

The Turkish Marchanta fearing least their Trafl&que might decrease, 

Had by that Basha mard his Mart that then had made that Peace. 

The Shaugh did also question his Beleefe, and quarrel it ; 

So, well appaid is Jenkinson if well away he git. 

Whom, with our letters to the Turke the Shaugh to send was bent, 

Had not the Hyrcane Murzey Posts vnto his Father sent ; 

And Obdolowcans Letters then disswaded that intent. 

When, with a Present for himselfe, he Thence to Hyrcan went. 

And theare did him the heart-trew King most kindly intertayne, 

And thence dismisse with Giftes, when he no longer would remayne. 

Nor onely his Ambassadors vnto his care commends, 

But moment of that Ambassie which he to Mosco sends. 

There now suppose them well ariu'd, and bringing gratefuU newes 

Of waightie Messages whoarin the Mosick him did vse. 


Conuenient time he nerethelesse for Persian Trade attends, 

Which Arthur Edwards^ thither sent, succesfully theare ends. 

This Edwards^ and a many here vnnam'd, deserued well 

In these Imployments ; but of All weare tedious al to tell, 

For, sauing of Discouerers, we purpose not to dwell, 

Els would we here reuiue, but that through Hakluts Pen they liue 

(To him, your Fames sweet Trumpetor, Yee English Garlands giue), 

A Catalogue oi Names, that in this North and Northeast Climes 

Have more obseru'd and more deseru'd than perish shall with times. 

Nor be my Father here forgot : for he, amongst the rest, 

Deserueth in this Generall remembrance with the best. 

And here, from out those churlish Seas, with lenkinson we sayle 

To London^ theare, an aged Man, to tell this youthfuU Taile : 

How he had past All Europe, seene all Leuant Hands, and 

Greece, TurTcie, Affrick, India, Sur, Agypt, the holie Land, 

And all the foresaid Lands, in all imployde and intertainde 

Of Emperors and Kings, as if him selfe a King had raign'd. 

Rest may thy honorable Bones, good old-Man in sweet Peace : 

Nor haue thy PAcemx- Ashes since beene barren of increase : 

But late had we a Fowle like rare, vs'd oftner Sea than Shore, -j 

Ofte swam hee into golden Strands, but now will so no more, V 

For, though he were a dyuing Fowle, to Heaven did he sore. J 

In England, not Arabia, now the Phcenix Birdes be bread, 

And euermore shall theare reuiue, when shall the olde be dead. 

The Maiden Empresse, and her Knights, their Enterprises rare, 

Which now haue pearst through euerie Pole, of all admired are. 

Remaineth now, that we intreate of great Achiuements done 

By English, in contrarie Clymes, since first her Crowne begonne ; 

But ride we first at Anker, though a roomesome Sea we haue, 

To listen Staffords Comforts which to Elenoi' he gaue. 

Another contemporary notice of him occurs on a 
terrestrial globe, one of the celebrated pair, ter- 
restrial and celestial, made in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, 1592, known as the Molyneux Globes.^ It 
runs as follows : " Ingens Jlumen Wolga & littus 
Septentrionaris Caspii, magistavam Vrgentiam ur- 
hem d regnum Bagarice anno 1558 peruestigauat 
Antonius lenkinsonus. Item 1562 Mediae et Per sice 

1 Now in the library of the Middle Temple. 


regna amplissima idem mare d fiumen patefecit. 
Thomas Southam d loan Sparke ah oppido Col- 
mogro ad ui^hem Novagordiem plusquam 1261 mil. 
Rithe jiumi penetrarunt 1560." The latter part of 
course refers to Southam and Sparke's journey, given 
at p. 190 of our text. 

Search has been made in vain for a portrait of 
Jenkinson. There appears to be no certainty of 
one ever having been taken. The portrait of Ivan, 
his great patron, is reproduced by photography 
from an original (said to be unique) in the possession 
of Senator Rovinsky, of St. Petersburg. In for- 
warding it, M. Vladimir Stassof writes : " Je crois 
que ce portrait n'est pas d'une complete ressemblance, 
cependant je vous I'envoie k cause de son immense 
raretd." It is engraved on wood by Hans Weighel, 
of Nuremberg, and represents the Tsar in the prime 
of life. The inscription runs as follows : 

^^ Die Bildnus Ywan Wasiliewitz desjetzigen Gross fiirstenn Rewsen 
vn der Moschkaw. 

" Schaw, Mensch, hie hast in der Figur 
Ein warhafftig Contrafactur, 
Entworffen vnd mit Farb gemalt, 
Mit Kleydung, Bildnus vnd Gestalt, 
Des Grossfursten in Rewsen jitz 
Ywan Wasiliewitz. 
Der Moschkawiter wird genandt 
Der jitz mit gewaltiger Hand 
Aus Newgarden seiner Haubstat 
Ein mechtig Heer gefitret hat 
Wider Folotzko vnuerholn 
Des mechtigen Konigs zu Poln, etc. 

" Gedruckt zu Niirnberg, durch Hans Weyghel 


The following is a translation : 

" Behold, man, here hast thou in this figure 
A true likeness, 

Sketched and painted with colour, 
With robe, face, and figure, 
Of the Grand Duke now in Russia, 
Ywan Wassilievitch, 
Who is called the Moscovite, 
Who now with powerful hand 
From Novgorod, his chief town, 
A mighty host hath led 
'Gainst Polotsk, 
Of the mighty King of Poland,^ etc. 

" Printed at Nuremberg, by Hans Weyghel, 
form cutter [engraver]." 

^ From the allusion to Polotsk, the date of the portrait may 
be fixed as 1563, the Tsar being then thirty-three years of age. 


** DollymanV\ p. 4. 

From the Hungarian Ddldman, from ddhl, red, and man, a thing. 
The Dahlman was a short red cloak worn by the Hungarian guards. 
Dolman is still the term applied to the pelisse worn in our Hussar 

"... great rockes of Alabastre . . ."p. 24. 

The following description is given of these rocks by Le Brun, a 
traveller of the last century : — " We found the bank rocky and 
elevated as we approached the Alabaster mountains, which are ou 
the left as we advanced towards the north. We landed to see 
them. They are natural subterranean caves formed in a remark- 
able way, and are called by the people * Pissoertje' (? petchki), 
i.e., ovens. The principal entrance is supported on pillars of 
rock like pilasters, several of these opening on grottos. Their 
extent is said to be 30 versts (20 miles) ; but opinions differ ou 
this point. . . . The rocks are as white as alabaster, but not so 
hard. This locality is about 150 versts (100 miles) from Archangel. 
The mountains form a belt here half a league wide, and visible 
for two hours along the river." {Voyages de Corneille Le Brun, 
vol. ii, p. 429.) 

Jenkinson^s route, and the old channels of the Oxus (see Introduc- 
tion, p. XX, and text, pp. 69-74). 

Extract from'B AROU A. Kaulbars' Descriptions, etc. 
In 1559 took place the very interesting journey of Anthony 
Jenkinson, whose itinerary, owing to the scantiness of materials 
hitherto available, has been represented in the most strange 
fashion ; and when all attempts to lay it down with any ap- 
proach to probability led to negative results, it was alleged that 


Jenkinson never made his journey, and that his narrative was 
therefore nothing better than fiction. 

In our day, Jenkinson's itinerary and narrative may be explained 
in the most natural and certain way, and every idea of his want 
of good faith must disappear. 

Jenkinson, as M. Lenz considers beyond doubt, landed on the 
peninsula of Mangishlak, in Kara-Kichu bay of Mertvi Kultuk 
gulf. Hence, on the 5th October,^ he set out with a trading 
caravan of camels, and after twenty days' march arrived at a large 
freshwater lake,^ which he took to be a gulf of the Caspian. He 
then adds: "Note that in times past there did fal into this gulfe 
the great riuer Oxus . . . and now commeth not so farre, but 
falleth into another riuer called Ardocke." 

Starting from hence on the 4th October, the caravan reached 
on the 7th the castle of Sellizure (the Shaijzure of Jenkinson's 
map). This castle stood on a high hill. Here lived the Khan, in 
a poor, badly built palace with earthen walls. On the south side 
of the castle lay a wide plain, which, thanks to the water led hither 
from the Oxus by means of dykes, was exceedingly fertile ; and 
Jenkinson adds that the withdrawal into irrigating canals of a 
large quantity of water had so weakened the Oxus that it no 
longer reached the Caspian Sea (i.e., the freshwater lake which he 
took to be a gulf of that sea) ; and as the quantity of water in the 
river continues to diminish, when it shall altogether cease, all that 
country is doomed to become a wilderness. 

Setting out from Fort Sellizure on the 14th October, after two 
days Jenkinson arrived at the town of Kunia Urgendj. The great 
freshwater lake, into which, according to Jenkinson, the Amu- 
daria formerly discharged, can only have been lake Sari-Kamish, 
which at that time contained fresh water, because the present Urun- 
daria (Oxus) had fallen into it, i.e., not long before 1559, and at 
flood-time perhaps continued every year to flow into it, as may be 
surmised from the extensive irrigation works then in use supplied 
from the Oxus, and extending as far as the castle of Sellizure, two 
marches to the west of Kunia Urgendj. 

The approximate distance from Kara-Kichu bay to Sari-Kamish, 
according to the most recent maps, is 475 versts, and, with wind- 

^ Jenkinson is sometimes confusing in his dates. 

2 '' Where we found the water very fresh and sweete" (text, p. 67). 


ings of the road, probably about 500 versts. This makes 25 versts 
(about 17 miles) for each of Jenkinson's twenty marches — the usual 
rate of travel of camel-caravans at the present day. 

On rounding the northern shore of the lake, Jenkinson, it may 
be supposed, saw the lower Urun-daria, examined by us 314 years 
afterwards. Three marches farther he reached the castle of 
Sellizure, situate, in M. Lenz*s opinion, on the summit of the 
southern chink (escarpment) of the Ust Urt. Jenkinson's descrip- 
tion of the castle and its surroundings vividly reminded me of the 
ruins of Deu-Kesken, visited by us, situate on the cliff of the 
chink, at the southern foot of which we saw the wide plain still 
covered with luxuriant vegetation, seamed in all directions by 
dykes and traces of fields, among which stand habitations built 
long after Jenkinson's time, and in their turn already crumbling 

The distance from the western shore of the present lake of 
Sari-Kamish, at most six or seven versts (about four miles) from 
the old eastern littoral, to Deu-Kesken is about 70 versts (about 
47 miles), therefore three marches of 25 versts each. Sellizure, 
however, may be identified with another ruin on the chink of the 
Ust Urt, 10 to 12 versts (about eight miles) east of Deu-Kesken, 
of which the Turkoman guides told us, calling it Shamak, a name 
somewhat closer to Shaijzurey as the castle is named on Jenkinson's 

This last name is so unlike any known in Central Asia, that 
there is ground for supposing an accidental error or misprint in 
Jenkinson's diary. (See note on p. 69.) 

From Deu-Kesken to Kunia Urgendj by road the distance, as 
we travelled, is about 70 versts ; this also may have been done in 
two marches, particularly if my supposition about the ruins of 
Shamak be correct. 

From Kunia Urgendj Jenkinson started on the 26th November, 
and proceeding 100 miles along the water-course of the Oxns, 
reached the great river Ardok, flowing to the North with great 
swiftness, and on the 7th December he arrived at the fortress of 

I have entered more fully into this itinerary, because it gives us 
the undeniable fact that not long before 1559 the Urun-daria 
reached Sari-Kamish^ otherwise the water of this lake would have 


been salt, as it is now^ ; but about the time of Jenkinson's arrival 
the water in the Urun-daria began to disappear, i.e., to deflect 
towards the North ; and as at the same time we learn from him 
about the great river Ardok, out of which, according to the de- 
scription, flowed that Oxus along whose banks Jenkinson marched 
from Kunia Urgendj, and which, as I think, may be identified 
with the Kunia-daria, just as the Ardok with its northerly direc- 
tion is probably the present Amu-daria. 

With reference to the town of Kath, the most recent researches 
regarding its site did not lead to any definite results, though the 
old channel, Akcha-daria, examined by Colonel Sobolef, reminds 
us of the Kizil-daria of Abul-ghazi, at the mouth of which stood the 
town of Kath. Professor Lenz is of opinion that even before 1603 
there was water in the Kizil-daria, and this afterwards disappeared 
in consequence of the great irrigation works undertaken by the 
father of Abul-ghazi on its banks {Zapiski Imp, Buss, geogr. 
ohshestva, torn, ix, pp. 445-48). 

** Shirvansliak" (see pp. 129 seqq.) 
The history of Shirvan, like the country itself, is an almost 
untrodden by-path of literature, and had it not been for the 
labours of Professor Dorn, who has ably worked to fill in the gap, 
there would be a complete want of a good guide in this field of 

Dorn has written a history of Shirvan from the foundation of 
its independent dynasty by Naoshirvan, or Nushirvan (see note 
on p. 129), in the sixth century, to its final absorption in the 
great Russian empire about the beginning of the present century.' 
The earlier period of Shirvan history, when this country was 
ruled by its own princes, does not concern us in the present work, 
however interesting to the student of history : we have to treat of 

1 Dr. Lansdell, who visited Lakes Sari-Kamish as recently as 1882, 
found the water intensely salt, more so than sea-water, and its density 
so great that his instrument for the determination of the specific 
gravity of different waters would not sink below a point which, had 
the scale been continued, would have read 120° {Russian Central Asia, 
ii, 399). 

2 Mem. de VAcad. Imp. de St. Pe'tersbourg, 6me serie, Sciences Poli- 
tiques, vols, iv and v. 


Shirvan when it had fallen into the hands of the Sufi Shahs of 
Persia (1538-78), and the first few years of its subjection by 

In 1562, Anthony Jenkinson having landed at Shabran, pro- 
ceeded to the court of Abdullah, whom he calls " Obdolowcan" (see 
p. 132), and by him was very hospitably received, as were also the 
other Entrlish agents — Alcock, Cheinie, Johnson, Kitchin, and 
Edwards, who followed Jenkinson. Abdullah Khan's governorship 
of Shirvan lasted from 1549 to 1565; and is thus alluded to by 
Dorn. After Solyman had withdrawn from Persia in 1549, Shah 
Tahmasp appointed a relative of his own, Abdullah Khan, son of 
Kara Khan Ustadshlu, to the governorship of Shirvan. The losses 
of the Turks had been so heavy during their invasion of Persia 
that Abdullah could employ all his resources to ward off the 
attacks of Burhan Ali Khan, son of Khalil, and the last reigning 
representative of the princely house of Derbend. It might have 
been expected that the inhabitants, after experiencing the hope- 
lessness of resistance, would have submitted to be quietly governed 
by Abdullah, but such does not appear to have been the case. 
Whether from attachment to their own princes, or from fear of the 
consequences of having sided with Burhan, a party of them rose 
in revolt, and choosing for their leader one Mehrab, of the lineage 
of Burhan, appeared determined to stand by him to the last. 
Abdullah Khan suppressed this insun-ection, and another one after- 
wards. In consequence of these victories his fame spread far and 
wide in Shirvan, and he was able to enjoy in peace for a few years 
the power and credit he had gained. In 1553 Solyman undertook 
his fourth campaign against Persia, sending a large force, under 
the command of Kasim, a scion of the princely house of Shirvan, 
into this country. No sooner had Kasim appeared before Derbend 
than the Shirvanis, doubtless reckoning on the powerful support 
of the Sultan of Turkey, threw off their allegiance to Abdullah 
and declared for Kasim. Abdullah, however, did not hesitate 
to march against the rebels, though vastly superior in numbers to 
his own force, consisting of only two thousand men. A battle 
was fought near the fortress of Gulistan (see p. 137), resulting in 
the complete defeat of the rebels, numbers of whom were slain. 
Of their decapitated heads it is recorded a tower was built (see 
p. 136), while the survivors fled into Tabaseran. Kasim was 
either left on the field of battle^ or, as one authority has it, escaped 


with his life, but disappeared without anything more being heard 
of him. 

By the suppression of this revolt Abdullah Khan's power was 
still further increased. He exercised it with a wise moderation 
and firmness, and succeeded in making himself feared throughout 
Shirvan, Tabaseran, and Daghistan, so that no idea of opposing 
him was ever afterwards entertained. His power and the justice 
of his rule were equalled by his goodwill towards Europeans, and 
particularly towards the English, who were at that time making 
their first efforts to establish commercial relations with Persia, 
and especially with the rich silk-producing country of Shirvan, by 
way of the Caspian. We shall see how he endeavoured in every 
way to assist Jenkinson on his way to Persia, and how the latter, 
who always styles him ** King of Hyrcania", owed the fortunate 
termination of his visit to the Shah to the powerful influence of 
his patron. Finally, when his mission to Persia had failed, it was 
from Abdullah Khan that he obtained a privilege of free trade in 
his dominions ; showing that, although Abdullah Khan recognised 
the sovereignty of the Shah, yet in his own territory he was very 
independent, and could to a certain degree trade as he liked. 
Edwards, in recording his death in 1565, speaks of him as "this 
good king, our friend " (p. 385). He also mentions that it was 
rumoured that the son of Abdullah Khan would succeed his father. 
Edwards names him the Mursay, doubtless identical with Shah 
Ali Mirza, mentioned by Jenkinson (p. 141) as having shown him 
so much kindness during his stay at Kazvin. These rumours and 
hopes, however, were unfulfilled, and there were many changes and 
disorders in Shirvan after Abdullah's death — the officials were 
partly discharged from their posts and partly fined ; others were 
sent' to the Shah ; and the office of governor was for some time 
vacant, till at length it was given, not to Abdullah's son, but to 
Ares Khan Ramlu, who held it during the remainder of Tahmasp's 

Ares Khan Ramlu (1566-78) was master of the court and 
tutor of Prince Sultan Mahmud Mirza, son of Tahmasp. As long 
as Tahmasp lived, and the peace concluded between Persia and 
Turkey in 1560 remained unbroken, Shirvan was quiet, and Ares 
Khan appears to have ruled his province without any remarkable 
occurrence. During his governorship the visits of the English 
continued. Edwards, who arrived in Shemakha in 1565, left it in 


April the following year — Ares Khan was, however, not then 
governor — and travelled to Kazvin, where he received from the 
Shah, partly through the mediation of two Shirvani notables, a 
privilege for the English trade to Persia. Edwards then returned 
to Shemakha, where he again stayed some time, and appears to 
have left it in 1567. One year later, in 1568, the same traveller 
returned, when " Eras Sultan" (p. 407) was exercising almost 
the power of an independent prince, if we may judge from the 
slight regard shown to the Shah's letter of protection, and the 
w^ay all the Englishman's goods were opened. Afterwards, Ares 
Khan "showed a more friendly disposition, and concerned himself 
to provide camels to carry the English wares to Shemakha, where 
Edwards, accompanied by Sparke, Chapman, Faucet, and Pingle, 
arrived on the 1st September 1568. 

In 1568-9, three Englishmen, Bannister, Duckett, and Plum- 
tree, visited Shemakha, and remained there till April 1570, after- 
wards travelling to Ardebil. But in 1571 Bannister returned to 
Shemakha, and proceeded thence to Arash, at that time an im- 
portant place of trade, where he died. When Plumtfee left 
Shemakha secretly, in order to travel to Cathay, Ares Khan, con- 
cerned for his safety, had him recalled (p. 428). 

Upon the death -of Tahmasp in 1576, affairs in Shirvan took a dif- 
ferent turn. In Persia itself there were disturbances arising out 
of the disputed succession, and at length the weak Muhammed 
Khudabendeh (1578-85) was placed on the throne. Persian 
historians assert that during his reign the Persian kingdom Was 
in the greatest confusion. . News of these disturbances spread 
rapidly into other countries, and it is not surprising that the 
Emperor of Turkey, Murad III, should have thought of gaining 
what advantage he could for his own state, and annexing new 
provinces. Among these were Azerbaijan and Shirvan, where 
disorders had freshly broken out, and where the power of the Per- 
sians was hardly recognised. Any scruples that Murad might 
have had about breaking the treaty with Persia might have been 
removed by the invitations which reached him to interfere on 
behalf of the native princes of Shirvan, who, in the person of Abu- 
bekr, son of Burhan, had once again taken up arms. Another 
motive for his interference was the religious one, the Shirvanis 
being Saunis, like the Turks. All this excited in Murad the desire 
to conquer Azerbaijan and Shirvan. He therefore sent Mustapha 


Pasha, at the head of a large army, against Persia, while at the 
same time he ordered Muhammed Ghirai Khan of the Crimea 
to cross the Khazarian steppe and co-operate- with the Turks. 
Mustapha's success was surprising. The Persians, though fighting 
bravely, were beaten and driven back, chiefly owing to their want 
of cohesion and combined action. Their best commanders fell, 
and the Azerbaijan troops were repeatedly routed. Mustapha, 
who had been joined by Alexander, King of Kakhetia, marched 
quietly into Shirvan, where he received the submission of the 
Lesghian and Daghistan chiefs; while Ares Khan, governor of 
Shirvan, a sensible, prudent man, finding that he could not main- 
tain himself, retired across the Kur, where he encamped. In this 
way Shirvan fell into the hands of the Turks in 1578. 

Mustapha Pasha now thought he might rule the conquered 
countries by governors. He appointed Osman Pasha Beglerbeg of 
Shirvan, dividing it into fourteen sanjaks or districts. He left 
Gaias Pasha in Arash, and governors in the other provinces, 
renewed the fortifications of Shemakha, Arash, and Baku, and 
withdrew. Abubekr Mirza, who thereupon became tributary lord 
of Shirvan, remained in that country to take whatever further 
steps were necessary, with the assistance of the Turks, in order 
completely to subjugate it. 

But no sooner had the Turkish leaders departed than the Per- 
sians again took the field, and Ares Khan, the former governor, 
in the fighting which ensued, to borrow an expression of the Per- 
sian historian, " won a martyr's crown". The events of this year 
(1578) are briefly referred to by Christopher Burro ugh (see pages 
447 seqq.^ 452, and notes, ih.). 






The manner of the entring of Solyman the Great 

Turke with his armie into Aleppo^ in Syria, marching toward 

Persia against the great Sophie, the fourth day of 

Nouember 1553, noted by Master Anthonie 

lenkinson, present at that time.* 

There marched before the Grand Signior, otherwise called 
the Great Turke, 6,000. Esperes,^ otherwise called light horse- 
men, very braue, clothed all in scarlet. 

After marched 10,000. men, called Nortans, which be tribu- 
taries to y® Great Turk, clothed all in yellow veluet, and hats of 
tlie same, of the Tartaric fashion, two foote long, with a great 

1 The appearance of Jenkinson at Aleppo was made at the time of 
the setting out of Solyman II (the Magnificent) against Persia in the 
autumn of 1553. This expedition was brought about, in a great 
measure, by the machinations of the famous Khousrem, a Russian by 
birth, better known as Roxolana, the Sultan's favourite wife, in order 
to secure the death of Mustapha, the Sultan's eldest son by a Circassian 
slave. In order to obtain her ends, it was suggested that Mustapha, as 
Governor of Karamania, was about to enter into an alliance with the 
Persian king against his father. An old historian writes : — " This tale 
suspitiously told, raised in the wicked and vnnatural father new and 
great suspicions. Wherfore, the yeere following, which was the yeere 
1553, he (the Sultan) i-aised a great armie, giving it out, that the 
Persians had with greater power than before invaded /Siria, and that 
therefore he, for the loue of his country and defence of his empire, 

2 Hakluyt, 1589, p. 81. 

3 Probably a misprint for EspeieSj i.e.j Spahis, light cavalry ; the 
same word as Sepahi, Sepoy. 

2 jenkinson's account of 

robe of the same colour about their foreheads, richly decked, 
with their bowes in their hands, of the Turkish fashion. 

After them marched foure Captaines, men of armes, called 
in Turkish Saniaques} clothed all foure in crimson veluet, 
euery one hauing vnder his banner twelue thousand men of 
armes, well armed with their morrions^ * vpon their heads, 
marching in good order, with a ^hort weapon by their sides, 
called in their language Simittero.^ 

After came 16,000. lanizaries,^ callefd the slaues of the 
Grand Signior, all afoote, euery one hauing his harquebushe, 
who be his gard, al clothed in violet silke, and apparelled 
vpon their heads with a strange forme, called Cuomllucia,^ 
fashioned in this sort : the entring in of the forehead is like 
a skull made of white veluet, & hath a traine hanging downe 
behinde, in manner of a French hoode, of the same colour, 
and vpon the forepart of the saide skull, iust in the middes of 
his forehead, there is standing bolt vpright like a trunke of a 

was determined to goe thither with his armie, and in person himself 
represse the attempts of his enemies. Wherefore the armie being 
assembled, and all things necessarie orderley pronided, he commanded 
to set forward, and in a few days after followed himself ; who coming 
at length into Siria, presently by trustie messengers commanded 
Mustaph to come vnto him at Aleppo, for there he lay encamped." 
Mustapha, by the orders of his father, was afterwards bowstringed 
and strangled in his father's tent at Enegli. R. Knolles, Historie of 
the Turkes, 1603, p. 761 ; Hammer Purgstall, Hist, de V Empire Otto- 
man, tom. vi, p. 56. — C. 

^ Sanjak, a governor of a district forming part of a Pashalik. 

2 Morion, an open helmet. * Scymetar. 

* The Janizaries. Turk. " yeni", new?, " tcheri", soldiers (i.e., new 
soldiers), often Christians. They were first organised under Sultan 
Amurath I (1360). Their first revolt was under Solyman I (1512), on 
account of their being compelled to winter in Tauris, or Tabriz, in 
Persia. The second was caused by the murder of Mustapha. (See note 
supra. Cf. Knolles, pp. 191, 512, f. 764 ; also Hammer, vi, 57.) Their 
final revolt was at Constantinople, when they were defeated and dis- 
banded in 1826.— C. 

^ " Cuocullucia", evidently a corruption of the Turkish " kiikuleta", 
a hood. From the Italian '' cocoUa", a monk's cowl. 


foote long of siluer, garnished most richely with Goldsmiths 
worke, and pretioiis stones, and in the toppe of the saide 
trunke a great bush of feathers, which wauereth vp and 
downe most brauely when he marcheth. 

After this there came 1,000. pages of honour, all clothed 
in cloth of golde, the halfe of them carying harquebushes, and 
the other halfe Turkish bowes, with their trusses of arrowes, 
marching in good order. 

Then came three men of amies well armed, and vpon 
their harnesse coates of the Turkes fashion, of Libard skinnes,^ 
and murrions vpon their heads, their speares charged, and at 
the ende of their staffe, hard by the head of y« speare, a 
horse taile died in a bloody colour, which is their ensigne : 
they be the challengers for the Turkes own person. 

After them came seuen pages of honour in cloth of siluer, 
vpon seuen white horses, which horses were couered with 
cloth of siluer, all embrodered and garnished with pretious 
stones, emerauds, diamonds, and rubies most richly. 

After them also came six more pages of honour, clothed 
in cloth of golde, euery one hauing his bowe in his hand, and 
his fawchine of the Turks fashion by his side. 

Immediately after them came the Great Turke himself e, 
with great pompe & magnificence, vsing in his countenance 
and gesture a wonderfull maiestie, hauing onely on each side 
of his person one page clothed with cloth of golde : he him- 
self e was mounted vpon a goodly white horse, adorned with 
a robe of cloth of golde, embrodered moste richly with the 
most pretious stones, and vpon his head a goodly white 
tuck, containing in length by estimation fifteene yards, 
which was of silke and linnen wouen together, resembling 
something Callicut^ cloth, but is much more fine and rich, 
and in the toppe of his crowne a little pinnach (sic) of 

* Libbard, a leopard. — Spenser and Milton. 

2 Calicut, on the coast of India, Bombay Presidency. Our word 
'' calico" is derived from it. This is probably the earliest use of this 
term in the English language. 

4 SOLYMAN'S entry into ALEPPO. 

white Ostrich feathers, and his horse most richly apparelled 
in all points correspondent to the same. 

After him followed six goodly young Ladies, mounted 
vpon fine white hackneis, clothed in cloth of siluer, which 
were of the fashion of mens garments, embrodered very 
richly with pearle, and pretious stones, and had vpon 
their heades caps of Goldsmiths worke, hauing great flackets 
of heare hanging out on each side, died as red as blood, 
and the nailes of their fingers died of the same colour, 
euery of them hauing two eunuches on each side, and litle 
bowes in their hands, after an An tike fashion. 

After marched the Great Basha, cheefe conductor of the 
whole armie, clothed with a robe of Dollymant^ crimson, and 
vpon the same another short garment very rich, and about him 
fiftie Janizaries afoote, of his owne gard, all clothed in crimson 
veluet, being armed as the Great Turks owne Janizaries. 

Then after ensued three other Bashas, with slaues about 
them, being afoote, to the number of three thousand men. 

After came a companie of horsemen very braue, and in all 
points well armed, to the number of foure thousand. 

All this aforesaid armie, most pompous to behold, which 
was in number foure score and eight thousand men, en- 
camped about the citie of AU'ppOy and the Grand Signior 
himselfe was lodged within the towne, in a goodly castle 
situated vpon a high mountaine : at the foote whereof run- 
neth a goodly riuer, which is a branch of that famous riuer 

The rest of his armie passed ouer the mountaines of 
Armenia, called nowe the mountaines of Camarye, which are 
foure dales iourney from Aleppo, appointed there to tarie the 
comming of the Grand Signior, with the rest of his armie, 
intending to march into Persia, to give battell to the Great 
Sophie. So the whole armie of the Grand Signior^ con- 
taining as well those that went by the mountaines, as also 
* See supplementary note, p. civ. 


those that came to Aleppo in companie with him, with horse- 
men and footemen, and the conductors of the camels and 
victuals, were the number of 300,000. men. 

The camels which caried munition and victuals for the said 
armie, were in number 200,000.^ 

The safe conduct orpriuilege, given by Sultan Solyman the 

Great Turke, to Master Anthony lenJcinson at Aleppo in 

Syria, in the yeere,^ 1553. 

Sultan Solyman, etc., to all Viceroyes, Saniaques, Caditz, 
and other our Justicers, Officers, and Subiects of Tripolis in 
Syria, Constantinople, Alexandria in Egypt, and of all other 
Townes and Cities vnder our Dominion and iurisdiction : we 
will and commaund you, that when you shall see Anthony 
lenkinson, bearer of these present letters, marchant of London 
in England, or his factor, or any other, bearing the said letters 
for him, arriue in our ports and hauens, with his shippe or 
shippes, or other vessels whatsoeuer, that you suffer him to 
lade or vnlade his marchandise wheresoeuer it shal seeme 
good vnto him, traffiking for him selfe in all our countries 
and dominions, without hindring or any way disturbing of 
him, his shippe, his people, or marchandise, and without 
enforcing him to pay any other custome or tol whatsoeuer, 
in any sorte, or to any persons whatsoeuer they be, saue 
only our ordinary duties, contayned in our custome houses, 
which when he hath paide, we will that he be franke, and 
free, as well for himselfe, as for his people, marchandise, 
shippe, or shippes, and all other vessels whatsoeuer, and in 
so doing that he may trafficke, bargaine, sell, and buy, lade, 
and vnlade, in all our foresaide Countries, landes, and domi- 
nions, in like sorte and with the like liberties and priui- 

^ In Hakluyt mention is made of the presents given at the same 
time to the Saltan by the Pashas of Aleppo, Amante (Hamath ?), and 
Damascns, and the Sanjak of Tripoli. ^ Hakluyt^ 1589, p. 82. 

6 jenkinson's safe-conduct granted by solyman. 

ledges as the Frenchmen and Venetians vse, and inioy, and 
more if it be possible, without the hinderance or impeach- 
ment of any man. And furthermore, we charge and com- 
maunde all Viceroy es and Consuls of the French nation, 
and of the Venetians, and all other Consuls resident in our 
Countreys, in what port or prouince soeuer they be, not to 
constraine, or cause to constraine by them, or the sayde 
Ministers and Officers whatsoeuer they be, the saide Anthony 
lenkinson, or his factor, or his seruants, or deputies, or his 
marchandise, to pay any kinde of consuUage, or other right 
whatsoeuer, or to intermeddle or hinder his affaires, and not 
to molest nor trouble him any manner of way, because our 
wUl and pleasure is, that he shall not pay in all our Countries, 
any other then our ordinarie custome. And in case any man 
hinder and impeach him aboue and besides these our present 
letters, we charge you most expressly to defende and assist 
him against the sayde Consuls ; and if they will not obey our 
present commaundement, that you aduertise vs thereof, that 
we jnay take such order for the same, that others may take 
example thereby. Moreouer, wee commaunde all our Cap- 
taines of our Gallies, and their Lieutenants, be they Foystes^ 
or other vessels, that when they shall finde the sayde lenkin- 
son, or his factor, his shippe or shippes, with his seruants, 
and marchapdise, that they hurt him not, neyther in bodie 
nor goods, but th^t rather they assist ayid defend him against 
all such as seeke to doe hipi wrong, and that they ayde and 
helpe him with victuals, according to his want, and that 
whosoeuer shall see these presents, obey the same, as they 
will auoide the penaltie in doing the contrarie: Made in 
Aleppo of iSyria, the yeere 961. of our holy Prophet Mahomet, 
in the yeere of Jesus 1553, signed with the scepter and signet 
of the Grand Signior, with his owne proper hande.^ 

^ Foist, a vessel with oars, smaller than a galley. 

* In the original 1589 edition of Haklnyt's Travels is added the 
following : — " The very originall hereof was deliuered me Rich . Hakl. 
by Master lenkinson in the Turkish and French tongues." 

Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners to 

be "obserued in and about this Fleete, passing this yeere 1557, 
towards the Bay" of S. Nicolas in Russia, for this present 
Raze to be made, and return of the same by Gods grace 
to the port of London, the place of their right dis- 
charge, as in the Articles ensuing is deduced.^ 

First, it is accorded and agreed betweene the seuerall pro- 
prietories and owners, masters and companies of the foure 
ships, surnamed the Primrose, the lohn Uuangelist, the Anne 
and the Trinitie, and the Lieutenant, Consuls, assistants and 
companie of the Marchants aduenturers, that the above named 
foure shippes shall in good order and conduct saile, passe, 
and trauaile together in one flote, ginge, and conserue of 
societie, to be kept indissolubly to be seuered, but united 
within continuall sight, so farrefoorth as (by winds and 
weather) by possibilitie shall or may be without any sepera- 
tion or departure of one from the other. 

2. Item, it is agreed that the good ship named the Primerose 
shalbe Admirall of this flote, and that Anthonie lenkin^on, 
Gentleman, shalbe Captaine thereof, and that all the other 
3. ships shall ensue and folow her in all courses, and that no 
course nor waying (in harborough especially) shall be made 
without the aduice, consent, and agreement of the saide 
Captaine, the Master, his mate, and two other officers of the 
said shippe, or of three of them at the least. 

3. Item, that the said Anthonie is and shalbe reputed 
and taken for Captaine generall of the said flote, together 
with all such orders, preeminences, priuiledges, and prefer- 
ments as by the order of seas is due and accustomed to a 
Captaine during his aboade and exercise of the same. 

1 Hakluyt, 1589, pp. 332-3. 


4. It is also ordeined, that if any one or moe of the said 
3. shippes shalbe out of sight, either before or behinde the 
Admirall, that then the rest of the shippes shall tacke or 
take of their sailes in such sort as they may meete and come 
together, in as good order as may be, to the intent to keepe 
the consortment exactly in all points. 

5. It is also constituted, that if the ships shalbe seuered by 
miste or darke weather, in such sort as the one cannot haue 
sight of the other, then and in such case the Admiral shal 
make sound and noise by drumme, trumpet, home, gunne or 
otherwise or meanes, that the ships may come as nigh to- 
gether, as by safetie and good order they may. 

6. It is also to be obserued, that euery day once the other 
three shippes shall sende and come aboord the Admirall, and 
there consult and determine of such matter and things as 
shall be for the assurance of their Nauigation, and most ex- 
pedition of the same, 

7. Item, that notes & entries be dayly made of their Naui- 
gations put in writing & memorie, & that the yong Mariners 
and apprentices may be taught & caused to learne and obserue 
the same. 

8. It is accorded that the said Captaine shall haue the 
principal rule and gouernement of the apprentices : And that 
not onely they, but also all other the sailers, shalbe attendant 
and obedient to him, as of dutie and reason appertaineth. 

9. Also that no beere nor broth, or other liquor, be spilt 
vpon the balast, or other place of the shippe, whereby any 
anoyance, stinke, or other vnsauorines shall grow in the 
shippe to the infection or hurt of the persons in the same. 

IQ. Item, that the Captaine by discretion shall from time 
to time disship ajiy artificer or English seruingman or ap- 
prentice out of the Prvmerose into any of the other three 
shippes, and in lieu of him or them, take any such apprentice 
as he shall thinke conuenient, and most meete to serue the 
benefite of the Companie. 


11. Item, that great respect be had to the gunners and 
cookes roomes, that all danger and perill of powder and fire 
may be eschewed and auoyded. 

12. Item, that singular care & respect be had to the ports 
of the ship, as well in Nauigation as in harborow, & especially 
in lading and vnlading of the ships, that nothing be lacking 
or surcharged ; and that the bookes may oftentimes be con- 
ferred & made to agree in eschuement of such losses as may 

13. Special foresight is to be had, that at the WardhoTise 
no treachery, inuasion, or other perill of molestation be done 
or procured to be attempted to our ships by any kinges, 
princes, or companies, that do mislike this newe found trade 
by seas to Russia, or would let and hinder the same, wherof 
no small boast hath bene made : which giueth occasion of 
more circumspection and diligence. 

14. If the winde & weather wil serue, it is thought good 
rather to go by the Wardhouse, then to come in and ancre 
there, lest any male engine, or danger may be the rather 
attempted against vs, our goodes and shippes as aboue. 

15. It is thought that Richard Johnson, late seruant to M. 
Chanceler, shal be sent home in this next returne, to in- 
struct the companie of the state of the Countrey, and of such 
questions as may be demanded of him, for our better ad- 
uertisements and resolutions, in such doubts as shall arise 
here : and that he shall haue the roome of the Captaine in 
such sort, as Master lenkinson is in this present cocket 
assigned vnto. And if Johnson can not, may not, nor will 
not returne and occupie the said place, then any other person 
to be preferred thereunto, as by the discretion of our said 
Captaine, with consent of our Agents, shall be thought meete 
and apt to supply the same. 

16. Prouided alway, that the shippes returning, be not 
disfurnished of one such able man, as shall occupie the 
Captaineship in like order, as is, and hath bene in such case 
appointed, as reason and good order requireth. 


17. Item, that all other former orders, rules, and deuises, 
made and prouided for the good order of our shippes, wares, 
and goods, being not repugnant, contrarie or diuerse, to these 
articles, and the contents of the same, shall be, and stand in 
ful force and effect, to be in all respects obserued, and kept of 
all and euery person, and persons, whome the same doth or 
shall touch or coucerne. 

In witnesse of the premisses faithfully to be obserued, and 
kept, the owners and Masters of the said foure shippes, 
together with the said Captaine, to these seuenteene articles, 
contained in two sheetes of paper, have subscribed their 
hands. Giuen in London the third of May, in the yeere of 
our Lord God, 1557. 

% Owners of the Primerose^ — 
Andrew Iudde. 
William Chester. 
Anthony Hickman. 
Edward Casteline. 

If Owners of the John Euangelist — 
Andrew Iudde. 
William Chester. 

^ Owner of the Anne — 


Owner of the Trinitie — 

^ Primrose^ 240 tunnes, Master John Buckland ; John Euangelist^ 
170 tunnes, Master Laurence Roundal ; Anne^ of London, 160 tunnes, 
Master David Philby ; Trinitie^ of London, 140 tunnes, Master John 
^ohin^.—Hakluyt, 1599, i, 297. 

The first voyage made by Master Anthony Tenkinson, 

from the Citie of London, toward the land of Russia, begonne 
the twelfth day of Maye, in the yeere, 1557.^ 

First, by the grace of God, the day and yeere aboue men- 
tioned, I departed from the said Citie, and the same day at 
Grauesend embarked my selfe in a good shippe, named the 
Primerose, being appointed, although vnworthy, chiefe cap- 
tain e of the same, and also of the other three good shippes, to 
say, the John Euangelist, the Anne, and the Trinitie, hauing 
also the conduct of the Emperour of Eussia, his ambassadour, 
named Osejp Nepea Ghregorewich? who passed with his company 
in the said Primerose. And thus our foure tall shippes 
being well appointed, as well for men and victuals, as other 
necessarie furniture, the saide twelfth day of the moneth of 
Maye, we weyed our ankers, and departed from the saide 
Grauesend, in the after noone, and plying downe the Thames, 
the wind being Easterly, and faire weather, the 13. day we 
came a ground with the Primerose vpon a sand called the 
Blacke taile,^ where we sate fast vntill the 14. day in the 

1 Uahluyt, 1589, pp. 333-338. 2 gee infra, note, p. 26. 

3 Blacktail spit is on Maplin sands, just beyond Shoeburyness. In 
an old book of sailing instructions in the library of the Geographical 
Society, entitled "TAe Lighting Colomne or Sea Miirour, by Peter Goos: 
dwelling on the water hard by the new bridge at the signe of the golden 
sea-mi rrour", printed at Amsterdam, 1638, the following directions are 
given (p. 50) for sailing this coast: — "From the Shoebeakon the 
course is almost southwest to the poynt of Blacktayle, there runneth 
off a Hooke which men might saile within comming from the north- 
wards ; but if you keepe from the shoare in 7 fathom, you cannot 

take hurt of it, but in five fathom you runne within it From 

Blacktayle to the beacon upon the Nore the course is West southwest." 

... At the outset of the voyage the ships were unfortunate: the 

Primrose ran aground on Blacktail spit, two of the others also met 


morning, and then God be praised, she came off: and that 
day we plied dowue as farre as our Ladie Holland} and 
there came to an anker, the wind being Easterly, and there 
remained vntill the 20. day : then we weyed and went out 
at Goldmore gate,^ and from thence in at Balsey slade,^ and 
so into Orwel wands,* where we came to an anker : but as we 
came out at the saide Goldmore gate, the Trinitie came on 
ground on certaine rockes that lye to the Northward of the 
saide gate, and was like to be bilged and lost. But by the 
aide of God, at the last she came off againe, being very leake : 
and the 21. day the Primerose remaining at an anker in the 
wands, the other three shippes bare into Orwel hauen, where 
I caused the saide Trinitie to be grounded, searched, and 
repaired. So we remained in the said hauen vntill the 28. 
day : and then the winde being westerly, the three shippes 
that were in the hauen weied, and came foorth, and in com- 
ming foorth the John Euangelist came on ground vpon a sand, 
called the Andros,^ where she remained one tide, and the 
next full sea she came off againe without any great hurt, 
God be praised. 

The 29. day in the morning all foure ships weied in the 

with accidents, the Trinity touched the rocks to the north of Gold- 
more gate and was nearly lost, and the John Evangelist grounded in 
coming out of Orwell wands. Navigation in those days was attended 
by many difficulties, and shoals and rocks were doubtless very imper- 
fectly buoyed. 

1 In later editions "our ladie of Holland", so named after the church 
dedicated to the Virgin, now in ruins. It is a promontory on the 
coast of Essex, now marked as Little Holland ; about a mile off is 
Holland Hall. Stephen Burrough mentions anchoring thwart "our 
Ladie of Holland".— ^a/u/., 1589, p. 311. 

2 Goldmore gate was the southern entrance into Harwich harbour. 

5 Balsey slade, the passage marked on old charts " the Sledway". 
The word *' slade" is the Anglo-Saxon sldd, the Icelandic slddi^, signi- 
fying a flat piece of low, moist ground. — Webster's Dictionary. 

* Orwell wands, the estuary of the OrweU. 

^ Andrew's shoal is close to Orfordness. CapJ St. Andrew now 
stands a little way inland. 


Wands, and that tide went as farre as Orfordnesse, where we 
came to an anker, because the wind was northerly : And 
about sixe of the clocke at night, the wind vered to the 
Southwest, and we weyed anker, and bare cleare of the nesse, 
and then set our course northeast, and by north, vntill mid- 
night, being then cleare of Yarmouth sands. Then we winded 
North and by West, and North northwest, vntill the first of 
lune at noone, then it waxed calme, and continued so vntill lune. 
the second day at noone: then the winde came at North- 
west, with a tempest, and much . raine, and we lay close by, 
and caped^ North Northeast, and Northeast, and by North, as 
the winde shifted, and so continued vntill the third day at 
noone : then the winde vered Westerly againe, and we went 
North our right course, and so continued our way vntill the 
fourth day, at three of the clocke in the afternoone, at which 
time the winde vered to the Northwest againe, and blewe a 
fresh gale, and so continued vntill the seuenth day in the 
morning, we lying with all our shippes close by, and caping 
to the Northwards : and then the wind vering more Northerly, 
we were forced to put roomer^ with the coast of England 
againe, and fell ouerthwart Newe castel, but went not into 
the hauen, & so plied vpon the coast the eight day & the 

The tenth day the winde came to the North Northwest, and 
we [were] forced to beare roomer with Flamborow head, where 
we came to an anker, and there remained vntill the seuenteenth 
day.® Then the winde came faire, and we weyed and set our 
course North and by East, and so continued the same with a 
meary winde vntill the 21. at noone, at which time we tooke 

1 The expression "to cape", to keep a course.— Admiral Smyth, 
Sailm-B' Word Book, p. 159. 

* " Roomer", old term for going large or from the wind. — Smyth, 
p. 579. 

3 Accidents and contrary winds had delayed their progress. It was 
not till the 17th June, thirty-five days after leaving Gravesend, that 
they could shape a course for Norway. 


the Sunne, and had the latitude in 60. degrees. Then we 

shifted our course, and went North Northeast and Northeast, 

and by north, vntill the 25. day. Then we discouered cer- 

Heiiich taine Islands, called Heilick Islands,^ lying from vs northeast. 

Islands in ' ' J o » 

ee^deg. 40. being in the latitude of 66. degrees, 40. minutes. Then we 
went north and by West, because we would not come too 
nigh the land, and running that course 4. hours, we dis- 

Siands. couered, and had sight of Bost Islands,^ ioyning to the mains 

1 Heilich Islands lie off that part of the coast of Finmark, or 
Norway, marked Heilich lant, or Helge land. This was the country 
of Other, the earliest traveller and discoverer of the extreme north on 
record. Almost due north of Heilich Islands is the Rost group of 
islets, and north-east of these the Lofoden Islands, extending for 
about 175 miles from S.W. to N.E., between 67° 30' and 69" 30' 
north lat. The following sailing directions in The Lighting Columne 
(p. 63) may serve as a commentary to the narrative : — " From 
the Island Gryp to the Nomendals Islands the coast is North East 
eighteen leagues, but from Gryp to the Nomendals Islands the 
course is North East eighteen leagues, but from Gryp to the Island 
Rust North and North by East four and sixteen leagues. Betwixt 
them ly (besides the Nomendals Islands) also the islands Holy 
land and Traenoch. Traenoch and Rust lye thirteen leagues asunder. 
From Rust to Wero the coast is North East and by north nine leagues, 
but to Loffoert north north east three and thirtye leagues. Betwixt 
Wero and Loffoert lyeth the Maelstrome, where you may sayle through 
but at still water. By the west point of Loffoert you may runne 
in and make road under it. And also you may runne through from 
thence within betwixt the islands and the mayne land, all along unto 
the North Cape." .... This coast is now so well known, that it is 
almost needless to say that most of the islands have bold, precipitous, 
and deeply indented coasts ; that the interior is elevated and very 
sterile ; and that several of the mountains, though not very lofty, are 
covered with perpetual snow. The navigation is rendered compara- 
tively easy by the depth of water (300 to 400 fathoms) at the base of the 
cliffs, and the largest vessel can pass without danger among the rocky 
islets, though almost filling the narrow space between them. — The 
Voyage of the Vega, Nordenskiold, i, pp. 46-61 ; Sailing Directions for 
the White Sea, Imray and Son, p. 2. 

2 Rost Islands are mere precipices of rock, forming a termination, 
though at some distance, of the Lofoden group. Next to Rost lies 
Vero, adjoining to which is Moskan. The name " Rost" is the old 


land of FinmarJce. Here the Sunne continueth in sight 
aboue the horizon, almost 2. moneths together, day and 
night. Thus continuing our course along the coast of 
Norway and Finland, the 27. day we tooke the Sunne, being 
as far shot as LofooU} and had the latitude in 69. degrees. 
And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our 
heads a raine bowe like a semicircle, with both ends vp- 
ward. Note that there is between the said Eost Islands and 
Lofoote, a whirle poole called Malestrand? which from halfe ^hir™"^® 
ebbe vntil halfe flood, maketh such a terrible noise that it ^°°^®" 
shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitats houses of 
the said Islands, ten miles of. Also if there commeth 
any Whale within the current of the same, they make a 
pitiful crie. Moreouer, if great trees be caried into it by 
force of streams, and after with the ebbe be cast out againe, 
the ends and boughes of them haue bene so beaten, that they 

term for a whirlpool, which is still retained in the Scottish isles, e.g.y 
Sumburg Roost, between the Orkneys and Shetlands. — Metcalfe's 
Oxonian in Norway^ i, 237, seq. 

1 The largest of the Lofoden islands are Hindo, Ando, and Langq, 
Ost Vaagen, West Vaagen, and Flagstado. All of them are rugged 
and mountainous. The population are a mixed race, partly of Scandi- 
navian, partly of Lappish descent, chiefly dependent on the fishery, 
which was established previous to the 11th century, and has always 
attracted a large number of the inhabitants of the mainland. — 
Chambers's Encyclopedia, art. " Lofoden". 

2 The Malstrom, or Maelstrom (*' grinding stream"), also called 
Moskenstrom, is to- the south of the island of Moskenses, the southern- 
most of the Lofoden group. Like the SaltstrSm (at the entrance to 
Skjerstad Fjord), it is formed by the tide pouring through a narrow 
strait four times daily, forming a tremendous, roaring cataract, which 
it is dangerous to pass except at certain states of the tide. When the 
wind blows against the current the Malstrom becomes extremely 
dangerous, the sea for several miles being so violently agitated that 
no boat can live in it. The Malstrom, though more famous, is sur- 
passed by the Saltstrom, where, during spring tides, the scene is 
described as a most imposing one. — Metcalfe's Oxonian in Norway^ 
i, 237 ; Badeker's Norway and Sweden^ pp. 222, 227. 


are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised. Note, that all 
the cost of FinmarJce is high moimtaines, and hils, being 
couered all the yeere with snowe. And hard aboord the shoare 
of this coast, there is 100. or 150. fadoms of water in depth. 
Thus proceeding and sayling forward, we fell with an Island 
called Zenam} being in y^ latitude of 70. degrees. About 
this Island we saw many Whales, very monstrous, about our 
ships, some by estimation of 60. foote long : and being the 
ingendring time, they roared and cried terribly. From 

SiaiS!^^^ thence we fel with an Island, called Kettelwicke} This coast 
from Rost vnto Lofoote lieth north and south"', and from 
Lofoote to Zenam, northeast and southwest, and from Zenam 
to Kettelwike, east northeast and west southwest. From the 
said Kettelwike we sailed east and by north 10. leagues, 

Bound, ^^^ ^^^ ^i\h a land, called Inger sound ^ where we fished, 
being becalmed, and tooke great plenty of Cods. Thus 
plying along the coast, we fel with a Cape, called the North 
Cape,* which is the northermost land that we passe in our 

^ Zeriam (Senjen), Senieno, and on old charts Sanien, is a large 
island off the coast, separated by a strait from the mainland. It is 
situated north-east of the Lofodens, in latitude 69° to 69" 30', or 
about half a degree south of its position according to Jenkinson. 

2 " An Island called Kettlewicke." Jenkinson is slightly in error 
here, there being no island of this name off this part of the coast of 
Norway. The place referred to is Kjodvig, at the north end of the 
island of Soro. It was first observed by Stephen Burrough in the 
Searchthrift, May 23rd, 1556, when he described himself as being 
"thwart of the Chappel, which I suppose is called Kedilwicke" 
(Hakluyt, p. 313). The mention of the *' chappel" maybe an oblique 
allusion to the adjoining Kjodvigfeld, with its projecting promontory, 
Tarhahen^ lying midway between Senieno and Ingo, and which by 
Jenkinson might easily have been mistaken for an island. — C. 

3 The island of Ingo lies in lat. 71° 5' N., near Maoso, and forty 
miles west-south-west of the North Cape. Prof. Nordenskiold says 
that the influence of warm oceanic currents is so great here that 
potatoes sometimes yield a good crop ; but the inhabitants chiefly 
depend on fish for their diet. — Voyage of the Vega, i, p. 40. 

* The latitude of the North Cape is exactly what Jenkinson states 


voyage to S. Nicholas, and is in the latitude of 71. degrees 

and 10. minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the 

Northwards 15. leagues. And being at this North Cape the 

2. day of July, we had the sunne at north 4. degrees aboue 

the Horizon. The 3. day we came to Wardhouse,'^ hauing wardhoua 

such mists that we could not see the land. 

This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2. miles 
from the maine of Finland, subiect to the king of Deninarke, 

it to be, viz., 71° 10'. It was always recognised as the northernmost 
point of the island of Magero till the last Norwegian Government 
surveys found that another point projected about half a mile beyond 
it into the sea. This, however, is merely a low, narrow ledge of rock, 
almost washed by the waves, and cannot injure the ancient fame of 
the grand, frowning cliffs which keep guard over the northernmost land 
of Europe. — Voyage from Leith to Lapland, by W. Hurton, ii, 243, seq 

The North Cape was so called by Stephen Burrough in Chan- 
cellor'' s and Willoughby'' s Voyage in 1553. Before their time it had 
been known as Murmarisky Noss (Norman's Cape) ; and the earliest 
written account of a voyage round it was drawn up by Alfred, King 
of England, who derived his information from the writings of Other 
the Norman, who undertook a voyage from the west coast of Norway 
to the White Sea, towards the end of the ninth century. — Haniel, 
p. \\Q\ Hahl, 1589, p. 313. 

' Vardo (rendered on old maps "Wardhouse", "Wardhuys", 
" Vardohuus") is prettily situated on an island of that name, sepa- 
rated from the mainland by -the Bussesund. The town has two 
harbours, the larger and deeper being on the north side, protected by 
a large new breakwater, and the other on the south side. The 
fortress, situated to the west of the town, is the northernmost in 
Europe. It was once a place of strength, and enabled Norway to 
retain possession of Finmarken. Now its defences are dilapidated, 
and the garrison, numbering sixteen men, is only maintained for the 
purpose of firing salutes on state occasions. The town, which in 
1600 was merely a group of miserable fishing huts, now consists of 
neat, well-built houses, covered with turf, with a handsome new church 
built of timber. In the vicinity are mxruQvou^ Hj elder for drying fish. 
For particulars of the navigation of this part of the coast, see The 
Sea Mii-rour, p. 67 ; and for engravings showing Vardo as it was in the 
sixteenth century and as it is now, see Voyage of the Vega, vol. i, p. 64. 
— Baedeker's Noi-vmy and Sweden, p. 248 ; Rae's White Sea Peninsula^ 
p. 7. 

18 KEGOK OX fishers' ISLAND. 

and the Eastermost land tliat he hath. There are 2. other 
Islands neere adioyning vnto that, whereon the Castle of 
Wardhouse standeth. 

The inhabitants of those 3. Islands line onely by fishing, 
& make much stockefish, which they dry with frost : their 
most feeding is fish ; bread and drinke they haue none, but 
such as is brought them from other places. They haue small 
store of cattell, which are also fed with lish.^ From Ward- 
house we sailed south southeast ten leagues, and fell with a 
Cape of land called Kegor^ ye northermost part of the land 

* The practice of feeding cattle on fish is very general in northern 
countries at the present day. In Iceland, dried cods' heads are given to 
cows and ponies. At Soroka, and other villages on the White Sea, 
smoked herrings answer the same purpose. — Rae's W}iite Sea Penin- 
sida, p. 120. 

2 Kegor, or Kegur, is Cape Nem^tsky (i.e., German) of modern 
maps. It lies about thirty miles S.E. from Vardo, at the north end 
of Ribatchi (Fishers') peninsula. " From Wardhouse to the poynt of 
Kegor", says The Sea Mirrour. " the course is south east and south 
east and by south ten leagues. Betwixt them both is a great baye, 
wherein are divers sounds and rivers, amongst other the river Petsing, 
which is a great, faire and large River where men may goe in with 
great shipps, a good ways within the river is a good road, there is 
taken and laden much salmon, but there fall no other speciall wares." 
Between Vardo and Ribatchi peninsula the easterly winds which pre- 
vail in summer blow with as much regularity as almost to deserve the 
name of trade winds. 

"Kegor is a fayre haven lying at the north end of the Fishers 
Island, a little without the poynt. There lye two or three rocks at the 
north poynt of the haven, and also a suncken rock in the middest of 
the havens mouth ; you leave the suncken Rock with the other Rocks 
on the starboard side of you, and runne in by the south shoare, and 
edge them behind the foresayd rocks, and anchor there in seven or 
eight fathom, the havens mouth lyeth in southwest, it is there so 
good lying as in any haven thereabouts on the coast " 

" The Danes call this haven Easter haven, there was wont to be the 
staple of Fish where every one must come to buye, therefore the Island 
is yet called, whereon Kegor lyeth, the Fishers Island. 

"It is indeed no island but very neare ; it is fast to the maine 
land with such a very small neck that the Russes, which come from 
Kilduyn or the river of Kool, and are bound to the river Pitsing, doe 


of Lappia. And betweene Wardhouse & the said Cape is a 
great Bay, called Bommeshaff,^ in the south part whereof is a 
Monasterie of Monkes of the Busses relisrion, called Pechin- The Monan- 

® ' tene of 

chow.^ Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast chow"' 
of the saide lande of Lappia, winding Southeast, the fourth 
day through great mists and darkenes we lost the companie 
of the other three ships, and. met not with them againe, vntill 
the 7. day, when we fell with a Cape or headland called 

goe alongst within this land and haule their boates over that small 
neck, for not to goe about a seaboard." — The Sea Mirrour^ p. 67 ; 
Imray's Sailing Directions^ p. 24. 

^ Dommeshaff (Varanger fiord). So named from the Domen (dome- 
shaped) hill, S.E. of Vardo. Stephen Burrough, in his search for 
Chancellor's missing ships, mentions the bay {Uakl., p. 330), and it 
is marked on Wm. Burrough's hitherto unknown MS. map, circa 
1558 (Old Roy. Lib., 18, D., iii), as well as on that of Jenkinson. The 
height (530 ft.) of this dome-shaped hill would make it a conspicuous 
landmark to navigators, and account for its having lent its name to 
the bay. {Cf. Norwegian Government Chart ; Baedeker's Norway and 
Sweden, p. 249.) — C. 

*^ Pechinchow. Tiif an, a monk of Novgorod, founded the cloister of 
Pechenga in 1533, and dedicated it to the Holy Trinity. He undertook 
the conversion of the Lapps, and raised partly with his own hands the 
neighbouring shrine of Boris — Gleb. He went to Mosco, and obtained 
from Ivan III a grant of lands and other privileges for his sanctuary. 
Pilgrims, attracted by his zeal and reputation, came from far and near 
to worship at the shrine erected in these northern solitudes. Their 
offerings, and the revenues derived from fisheries and trade, soon 
enriched the monastery ; but the Swedes regarded with jealousy the 
Russian establishment close to their border, and in 1590 attacked and 
destroyed the place, putting its inmates to the sword. About this time 
the monastery of Solovetsky in the White Sea (founded in 1429) 
was strengthened, and enclosed within thick stone walls, to serve 
as a refuge to Russians on these coasts. Solovetsky, the island 
monastery, is large and prosperous to this day, while Pechenga, on the 
mainland, only survives in name. Pechinchow is the genitive case of 
Pechenegi, the name of a warlike people inhabiting southern Russia. 
It is difficult to account for their name being carried so far north as to 
have found a resting-place on the shores of the White Sea. A town 
in the Government of Kharkof bears the same name. — Karanisin, i, 
240, ii, 29; Semeonof, arts. ''Pechenegi", "Solovetsk"; Rae's White 
Sea Peninsula, pp. 16-18, and 172. Herberstein (Hakl. Soc.), ii, p. 49. 


Suetinose^ which is the entring into ,the Bay of ;S'. Nicholas. 
At this Cape lieth a great stone, to the which the barkes 
that jiassed thereby, were wont to make offrings of butter, 
meale, and other victuals, thinking that vnlesse they did so, 
their barkes or vessels should e there perish, as it hath bene 
oftentimes scene : and there it is very darke and mistie. 
Note that the 6. day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh 
Willoughhie, with all his companie, perished, which is called 
Arzina Avziua reca, that is to say, the riuer Arzina.^ The land of 

reca, the "^ 

s^^HiS^'^^ Zap^m is an high land,^ hauing snow lying on it commonly 
w^^*frozen^ ^11 the yccre. The people of the Countrey are halfe Gen- 
tiles :* they line in the summer time neere the sea side, and 

1 Sviatoi Noss, i.e., Holy Promontory, jingled by Dutch and EngUsh 
mariners into " Swete Nose", forms the western entrance into the 
White Sea, while Cape Kanin, the extreme northern point of Kanin 
peninsula, faces it on the east. 

2 The Arzina, or Varzina, debouches in Nokuyef Bay, lat. 68° 20' 
and long. 38°30'E. of Greenwich. Here Sir Hugh Willoughby, with 
the crews of his two ships, perished from cold in 1553-4, and here 
their bodies were discovered by Russian ^shermen.— England and 
Russia, Hamel, p. 86 ; Voyage of the Vega, i, 63. 

3 Mr. Edward Rae, who lately sailed along the coast of Lapland, 
thus describes it : " Dull volcanic rocks, red and rounded ; abrupt 
grey cliffs, split and fissured, .with misty snow crowning them, rose 
hundreds of feet from the dark sea." — White Sea Peninsula, p. 84. 

* The Lapps — ^for these are the people referred to in the text — are 
a Finnish race inhabiting the district of Kem (formerly Kola), the 
so-called peninsula of Lapland, besides northern parts of Finland, 
Norway, and Sweden. They appear to have been known as " Suomi", 
among themselves, and in the twelfth century the name Lapp was 
unknown. Castren derives it from their word " Loap" or " Loop", 
signifying "end", as applied to the extreme northern position of their 
country ; Varelius conjectures that it was first applied as a term 
of derision by those Finns who had adopted a more or less settled 
form of life, to kindred tribes who retained their primitive habits. 
The Lapps were formerly much more widely distributed. According 
to Mathesius, at the Reformation there were Lapps in Ostrobothnia, 
and throughout the wooded districts of Finland wherever settlements 
and agriculture had not penetrated. Russian annalists of the six- 
teenth century mention Lapps not only on the shores of the Gulf of 


vse to take fishe, of the which they make bread ; and in 
the winter they remooue vp into the Countrey into the 
woods, where they vse hunting, and kill Deere, Beares, 
Woolues, Foxes and other beasts, with whose flesh they be 
nourished, and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange 
fashion, that there is nothing scene of them bare but their The 


eies. They haue none other habitation, but onely in tents, couered aii 

'' ' J ' samng their 

remouing from place to place, according to the season of the ®y®^- 
yeere. They know no arte nor facultie, but onely shooting, 

Kandalaks and Onega Bay, but also Christianised and heathen Lapps 
(the "half Gentiles" of our text) on the river Thuya, falling into Lake 
Onega, north of Petrozavodsk, and scattered colonies of them appear 
to have then lived in the district of Novgorod. Even in the seven- 
teenth century the Lapps were much further south than they are at 
present, and occupied the shores of Bothnia and the southern part of 
the Government of Uleaborg. Their gradual disappearance is attri- 
butable partly to their having adopted agricultural pursuits and a 
settled form of life, partly to their intermixture with Finns. 
Physically, the Lapps are small in stature, with low forehead, 
prominent cheekbones, small eyes, dark hair, but straight nose. 
Their language resembles the Finnish, differing from it, however, 
as much as Danish does from Swedish. The Russian Lapps 
support themselves almost entirely by fishing, living in summer 
scattered along the shores of lakes, rivers, and sea-coasts, in wooden 
huts, and returning in autumn to their permanent homes, which are 
fashioned much after the Russian style. Ever since the Lapps adopted 
settled habits and the Russo-Greek faith, they began to discontinue 
hunting reindeer, which obliged them formerly, as it does the Sam- 
oyedes now, to lead a semi-nomadic life, and only kept a few of these 
animals in a domesticated state. In this way hill Lapps became water 
Lapps, and in course of time took to trade. Their dress in summer 
closely resembles that of the Russians ; in winter they wear coats, 
trousers, and caps of reindeer skin, and by these may be distinguished 
from Finns. The Lapps are singularly quiet and peaceful in charac- 
ter. To this day sorcery enters into their religious practices, but they 
are rapidly losing their ethnographical peculiarities, and becoming 
more and more Russian. Mr. Rae, who was lately among them, found 
them very different from those of Norway, and with but little trace of 
Mongolian type in their features, leading him to take them for a 
distinct race. — Semeonof, art. "Lopari"; White Sea Peninsula^ 
p. 108. 


which they exercise daily, as well men as women, and kill 
such beasts as serue them for their foode. Thus proceeding 
along the coast from Suetinoze aforesaid, the 9. day of luly 
wee came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of ^^. degrees 
and 45. minutes, and is at the entring in of the Bay of 
S. Nicholas. Aboord this land there is 20. or 30. fadoms 
The current water and sundry grounds good to anker in. The current at 
Grace. this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast. From this 
Cape we proceeded along, vntill we came to Crosse Island,* 
which is seuen leagues from the said Cape Southwest : and 
from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Baye, 
and went South southwest, and fell with an head land called 
roxenose,^ which is from the said Island 25. leagues. The 
onhe^Bay'^ entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land 
\i^\f Benin ou the othcr side is seuen leagues ouer. From Foxenose pro- 
broad at the ceeding forward the twelfth day of the said moneth of lulie, 
all our foure ships arriued in safe tie at the roade of Saint 
Nicholas in the land of Russia, where we ancored and had 
sayled from London vnto the sayde roade seuen hundred and 
fifty leagues.^ The Russian ambassadour and his company 
with great ioy gotte to shore, and our shippes here forthwith 
discharged themselues : and being laden againe and hauing a 
AnRUBt. {qAtq winde, departed towarde England the first of August. 
The third of the sayde moneth I with other of my companie 

* Sosnovetz, or Fir Island, better known to English sailors as Cross 
Island, from the numerous crosses once standing on it, but which 
have been ruthlessly cut down for fuel ly ships' crews. — Admiralty 
Directions, p. 19. 

» Cape Kerets, commonly known to English sailors as Blue Nose, 
at the entrance to the Gulf of Archangel. — Admiralty Directions^ 
p. 20. 

3 The entrance to the Northern Dwina was in early times by Nicholas 
Channel, the westernmost of the four principal arms of its estuary. 
Here stood the monastery of St. Nicholas, two miles and a half from 
the sea-coast, mentioned by Thomas Randolph, Queen Elizabeth's 
ambassador. Ships now enter by the Beriozofsky (birch-tree) Chan- 
nel, and anchor off the Solombal Islands. — HakL, 1589, p. 400. 


came vnto the citie of Colmogro^ being an hundred verstes 
from the Bay of Saint Nicholas, and in the latitude of 64. 
degrees 25. minutes. I tarried at the sayd Colmogro vntill 
the fifteenth day, and then I departed in a little boate vp the 
great riuer of Dwina, which runneth very swiftly, and the 
selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego, Pinego 
leaning it on our left hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro. On 
both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego^ is high land, great 

1 IvholmDgori, 47 miles S.E. of Archangel on the Mosco road, is 
situated on an island formed by two arms of the Northern Dwina. 
Kholmogori is as ancient as Novgorod itself, and, according to some, 
was the capital of Biarmia (Permia). Probably before the Novgoro- 
dians came hither there stood the Finnish town of " Holmgard" or 
" Holmgavol", mentioned in Scandinavian sagas, a name said to be 
derived from two Scandinavian words, " holmo" or " kolmo", island, 
and " gard", government. Kholmogori first appears in Russian MSS. 
in a gramota, or letter addressed by Grand Duke Johan Johannovitch 
(1355-9) to the posadnick (governor) and boyards of the Dwina. Be- 
tween 1557 and 1587 it was the residence of a mayor, who exercised 
judicial functions over the whole province. Kholmogori was at this 
period a flourishing place, and it was then that Englishmen settled 
here and built several handsome houses. Richard Gray established a 
rope-walk here in 1555, and in 1557 English workmen were sent from 
London to superintend it. About the same time English merchants 
founded their trading factory at Kholmogori, and built spacious ware- 
houses to contain their merchandise, while native traders occupied the 
gostinni dvor. Randolph writes in 1 568, " Colmogoro is a great towne 
builded all of wood." Kholmogori had several able and energetic 
governors, among whom were Zvenigorodsky, Viazemsky, Lashkarof, 
and others. In 1613 it successfully withstood an invasion of Poles 
and Lithuanians ; and in 1682 was raised to a bishopric, its first bishop, 
Athanasius, adorning it with stone churches. In 1700 the Voievode 
transferred his residence to Archangel (then known as New Kholmo- 
gori), and the military following him, Kholmogori soon declined. It 
is now but little better than a poor village, though in Lepekhin's 
time (1770) it still possessed a cathedral ; and Dr. Shaw, in his Gazetteer 
of the World, speaks of its church, docks, and school of navigation. — 
Vsevolojsky and Semeonof, arts. " Kholmogori". 

2 The Pinega, a right tributary of the Dwina, rises in the district 
of Solvichegodsk, where it is formed by the confluence of two small 
rivers, Bielaia (White), and Chernaia (Black). It has a course of 
about 300 miles, with a breadth of 200 to 500 yards, and a depth 


rockes of Alabastre, great woods and Pyneaple trees lying 
along within the ground, which by report haue lyen there 
since Noes flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth 

2?YeS^ day in the morning, I came into a town called Yemps} an 
hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they 
make much tarre, pitch and ashes of Aspen trees. From 

vstiug. thence I came to a place called Vstiug^ an ancient citie, the 
last day of August. At this citie meete two riuers : the one 
called lug and the other Sucana, both which fall into the 
aforesaid riuer of Dwina. The riuer of lug hath his spring 
in the land of the Tartars called Gheremizzi^ ioyning to the 

varying from three to six and even 12 feet. The banks are steep in 
places, particularly about ten miles above the town of Pinega, and are 
composed of red clay, sandstone, gypsum, and black limestone. Jenkin- 
son was therefore right in speaking of " great rocks of alabaster", for 
this mineral is a variety of gypsum. The " pine-apple trees" were 
probably stranded logs of fir or larch, for which this river is parti- 
cularly noted, though the allusion is evidently to fossilised wood. 
Fossils are certainly found in the mountain limestone and Permian 
strata of Pinega. — Semeonof, art. " Pinega." 

' On Jenkinson's map " Yemsa", on Gerard's (dated 1613, one of the 
oldest of Russia) "Jemse", and on Stieler's Hand Atlas (51) "Jemza", 
occur as the name of a left affluent of the Dwina. Stieler also has 
" Jemezkoje", at the mouth of the Jemza, doubtless the place referred 
to by Jenkinson. 

2 Ustiug {i.e., mouth of Yug), at the confluence of the Yug and the 
Suhona, was known as Veliki (Great) Ustiug. This was an important 
place of trade, and particularly for the shipment of corn, flax, 
bristles, tallow, and hides. 

3 The Cheremissi (Meri) are a Tartar-Finnish tribe, occupying parts 
of the Governments of Kazan and Viatka. They were settled on the 
Volga in very early times, and are mentioned by the Russian annalists 
as inhabiting the districts next below the Mordva, an allied race, both 
having been included in the country of the Bolghars. In Jenkinson's 
time their settlements reached to Viatka, about due east of the 
sources of the Yug, and between this river and Permia, which extended 
in those days to both banks of the Kama. The Cheremissi were sub- 
jected by the Novgorodians in the fourteenth century, and soon after- 
wards accepted Christianity. In 1870 they numbered 210,000.— 
Schnitzler, Statistique de la Russie, pp. 65. 200 ; Drevniye goroda, 
Shpelefsky, p. 133 ; Voirnno Sfati.<if. Shornik, 1871, p. 97. 


countrey of Permia : and Succana hath his head from a 
lake not farre from the citie of Vologhda. Thus departing 
from Vstiug, & passing vp the riuer Succana, we came to a 
towne called Totma} About this place the water is very 
shallow, and stonie, & troublesome for Barkes and boats of 
that countrey, which they cal Nassades and BosTieckes,^ to 
passe that way : wherein marchandise are transported from 
the aforesayd Colmoqro to the citie of Vologhda: These 
vessels, called Nassades,^ are very long builded, broade made, %^^^^^^' 
and close aboue, flatte bottomed, and draw not aboue foure 
fuote water, and will carrie two hundred tunnes : they haue 
none yron appertaining to them but all of timber, and when 
the winde serueth, they are made to sayle. Otherwise they 
haue many men, some to hale and drawe by the neckes with 
long small ropes made fast to the saide boates, and some set 

* Totma ranked next to Veliki Ustiug as a place of trade. It 
stood on the left bank of the Suhona, about half-way between Lake 
Kubensky and the fork of the Yug and Suhona rivers. The Suhona, 
on leaving Lake Kubensky, formed a loop on the south-east, the ends 
of which were almost united. Across the narrow isthmus, separating 
the two ends of this bend. Count Gleb Belosersky cut a canal in 1339, 
in order to shorten the navigation. By this means, and by more 
recent works, uninterrupted communication was opened between the 
White Sea, the Baltic, and the Caspian. This canal system, how- 
ever, by checking the outflow from Lake Kubensky, tended to impair 
the navigability of the Suhona. Hence we find our author observing 
on its shallowness and stony bottom. The channel is, in fact, much 
obstructed below the town of Totma by ridges of hard clay and 
limestone. — Semeonof , art. " Suhona," 

2 " Dosneckes", for doschanniJci (derived from doska, board or plank), 
were flat-bottomed river craft with mast and deck. 

' " Nassades", from the Russian word nasadit, to fix or place upon, 
were vessels with gunwales used in river navigation. The word is now 
obsolete, though preserved in popular songs and traditions. Jenkin- 
son's description of the mode of propelling these unwieldy craft 
might apply to that still practised on the Upper Volga, or at all events 
in use twenty years ago — the clumsy mast and sail, only set with the 
wind right behind ; the numerous crew harnessed to the tow-rope ; 
the long poles — are all characteristic of river navigation in Russia about 
the time steam power was beginning to be introduced. — Dahl's Diet. 


with long poles. There are many of these Barks vpon the 
riuer of Dwina : And the most part of them belongeth vnto 
the citie of Vologhda : for there dwell many marchants, and 
they occupie the said boates with carying of salt from the 
sea side into the sayde Vologhda. The twentieth of Sep- 
tember I came vnto Vologhda} which is a great citie, and the 

^ Jenkinson was, therefore, twenty-six days in going from Kholmo- 
gori to Vologhda. Randolph made the same journey in thirty days. 
He was towed up stream, this being the only mode of progress. 
Vologhda is one of the oldest of Russian towns, having been founded 
in the thirteenth century by the Novgorodians ; though, according to 
another account, St. Gerasim, who went thither from Kief, found it in 
existence in 1147. In its earliest days Vologhda was a dependency of 
Novgorod ; it is mentioned in a gramota, or letter addressed by the 
Novgorodians to Prince Yaroslaf in 1264 ; and it was plundered in 
1273 by Sviatoslaf, Prince of Tver, in league with the Tartars, when 
its inhabitants were carried away into captivity ; but in the four- 
teenth century Vologhda had again become flourishing and populous. 
From that time it changed its allegiance, repeatedly now paying 
tribute to the princes of Novgorod, now to those of Mosco, and it was 
finally united with the principality of Mosco by Vassili-Vassilievitch 
the Blind. Vassili, whose dukedom had been usurped by his cousin 
Shemiaka, lived at Vologhda from October 1446 to February 1447, 
when, finding its inhabitants ready to espouse his cause, he with their 
assistance retook Mosco. Ivan III visited Vologhda in 1463 ; and 
Ivan IV, with whose reign we are chiefly concerned, intended making 
it his principal residence, visiting it repeatedly, and on the last occa- 
sion remaining over two years superintending the fortifications he had 
built round the castle. These are referred to by Thomas Randolph, 
Queen Elizabeth's ambassador. It was to Volgohda that Ivan fled 
when Mosco was burnt by the Krim Tartars; and here took place that 
interview between the enraged Czar and Devlet Ghirei's ambassadors, 
of which Horsey left a curious account. Joseph Nepea, the first Russian 
envoy to England in 1556 (see ante, p. 11), was a native of Vologhda, 
and Horsey resided here some weeks on his way home. Upon the opening 
of trade with England, Vologhda became a depot for English merchan- 
dise conveyed hither up the Dwina, Suhona, and Vologhda rivers. 
Land was given to the English merchants to build a house and stores, 
and for many years one of their factors continually resided here. 
Vologhda has lost the commanding place it held among Russian towns, 
much of the White Sea trade now passing to the Baltic. — HakL, 1589, 
p. 400; Semeonof, art. "Vologhda"; Russia, by Dr. Giles Fletcher, 
Hakl. Soc, 1856, pp. 166-68. 


riiier passeth through the middest of tlie same. Tlie houses 
are builded with wood of Fine trees, ioyned one with 
another, and round without: the houses are foure square 
without any yron or stone worke, couered with birch Barkes 
and wood ouer the same : their Churches are all of wood, 
two for euery parish, one to be heated for Winter and the 
other for Sommer.^ 

On the toppes of their houses they laye much earth, 
for feare of burning : for they are sore plagued with fire. 
This Vologhda is in 59. degrees, 11. minutes,^ and is from 
Colmogro 1000. verstes. 

All the way I neuer came in house, but lodged in the wil- 
dernesse, by the riuers side, and carried prouision for the 
way. And he that will trauell those waies, must carrye with ^6?°^^°^*^* 
him an hatchet, a tinder boxe, and a kettle, to make fire and *^*"®^'®™- 

1 Log-houses are constructed very much in the same way at the 
present day in Russia, and they are far more comfortable and warmer 
than those built of brick. The following is the modus operandi of the 
Russian builder. Having selected his logs, he planes them on the upper 
and under side, in order that they may lie close one above the other; 
the ends are then dovetailed together, the interstices being filled in 
with moss, or better still, with tow, because it does not harbour 
insects. Openings are cut for doors and windows, and a double roof 
of boards, grooved lo carry off rain, completes the structure. All this 
is done with the axe, which, in the hands of a skilful carpenter, takes 
the place of plane, saw, chisel, and hammer. High roofs are now 
invariably in use ; in Jenkinson's time they appear to have been flat 
and covered with earth, doubtless as a preventive against fire, and 
perhaps also for warmth. Brick and stone are now largely used in 
building in Russia, a law having been passed many years ago that 
when a wooden house had been burnt down in a town it could only be 
rebuilt in brick or stone. Villages, however, are entirely made of 
ivood, and the cold and hot churches for winter and summer use 
are to this day general in most of the northern districts. Birch bark 
is seldom used now for covering wooden houses, a sheathing of boards 
being more common ; but the rounded log-houses, uncovered by any 
external coat, are the most familiar sights of all. 

« The latitude of Vologhda is 58° If)'. Jenkinson places it nearly 
a degree too far north ; its distance from Kholmogori is about 700 


seethe meate, when he hath it : for there is small succour in 
those parts, vnlesse it be in townes.^ 

The first day of December, I departed from Vologhda in 
poste in a sled, as the maner is in Winter.^ And the way 
to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologhda to Coinmelski 
27. verstes,^ so to Olmor 25. verstes,^ so to Teloytske 20 
verstes,^ so to Vre 30. verstes,^ so to Voshansko 30. verstes,^ 
then to Yeraslaue 30. verstes,^ which standeth vpon the 

^ Post travelling in Russia has made considerable progress since the 
time of Jenkinson. On all the chief highways there are good post- 
houses, and if provisions are not plentiful, there is the never-failing 
samovar to fall back upon, with the warming cup of tea, luxuries un- 
known in our traveller's time. But in the more remote parts of the 
country it is still necessary to take provisions for the road, and in 
view of a possible breakdown, an axe or hatchet and a rope are 

2 The Russian ambassador, Nepea, Dr. Standish, Mr. Grey, and 
other Englishmen preceded Jenkinson to Mosco. Starting from 
Kholmogori the 29th July, they reached Vologhda the 27th August, 
and Mosco the 12th September. Their mode of conveyance from 
Vologhda to Mosco with their merchandise was in " telegos", or open 
carts ; hence they were fourteen days on the road, while Jenkinson, 
who waited in Vologhda till winter, travelled in a post- sledge, and 
was only six days in reaching the capital. — Hakl., 1589, p. 338. 

3 Commelski, " Nicola Comoloscoi" of Isaac Massa's Novissima Russia: 
Tabula, 1640 ; probably Nikolskoi, near the river Komela. See 
French map of Russia, 1 :500,000.— C. 

* Olmor, evidently a misprint for Obnor, or rather St. Obnorski jam, 
an old post-station ; Obnorski-Pavlof monastery lies three miles E. of 
the highroad. — C. 

^ Teloytske, probably Teliatschia, or Boda Teliatschia of French 
map. — C. 

5 Ure, probably Dei; short for Derevnia, village. 

' Voshansko, probably Vochenskoi of French map. — C. 

« Yeraslaue (Yaroslaf), founded by Yaroslaf the Great in the 
eleventh century, has always been a great entrepot for trade. In early 
days, merchandise destined for Persia was landed here, and vessels 
were built at ^^UstwicU Zelezma'', a.hont 100 miles distant, to convey it 
down the Volga. An old writer (Dr. Giles Fletcher) says of it, that 
its situation on the high bank of the famous Volga was very fair and 
stately to behold. He adds : " In this Towne . . . dwelt the Russe 
King Vladimir, surnamed laruslave, that married the daughter of 


great riuer Volga, so to Rostoue, 50. verstes/ then to Rogarin 
30. verstes,2 so to Peraslaue 10. verstes, which is a great 
towne, standing hard by a faire lake.^ From thence to 

Ilarald, King of England.'^ Yaroslaf was a favourite resort of foreign 
merchants, its flax trade and manufacturing industry giving it a 
leading place among Russian towns. Besides these advantages, 
Yaroslaf of our day may boast of its fine quay along the Volga, and of 
its many public buildings and institutions for learning. — History of 
Trauayle ... a collection by R. Eden, edited by R. Willis, 1577, p. 321; 
Purchas His Pilgrimes, pt. iii, p. 419. 

^ Rostoue (Rostof ), 36 miles S.S.W. of Yaroshf, on N. shore of Lake 
Nero, has a large archbishop's palace, several monasteries, and 33 
churches. Rostof is mentioned by Nestor as having been included by 
Rurik in the partition on the death of his brothers (862). It paid tribute 
to Kief till the death of St. Vladimir. It then lent its name to a large 
principality, comprising Yaroslaf and parts of the Governments of 
Vladimir (Suzdal), Novgorod (Bielozero), and Vologhda. In this way 
Rostof was under independent princes to the beginning of the thir- 
teenth century. During this time it was made an episcopal see (trans- 
ferred in 1786 to Yaroslaf), its early prelates distinguishing themselves 
by their zeal in converting to Christianity the heathen tribes. Rostof 
has suffered many times from fire and sword, yet it is considered 
one of the best district towns of Russia. 

2 Rogarin (Rogasino) occurs on Stieler's Hand Atlas (51), one stage 
north of Pereyaslaf, its right position according to the text. 

3 Peraslaue (Pereyaslaf), called Zalessky {za, beyond ; Zess," forest), 
from the dense forests surrounding it, stands on both banks of the Tru- 
bej, near Lake Plescheiwo, or Pereyaslaf, famed for its herring fishery. 
" Ce lac", says Vsevolojsky, " est encore remarquable en ce que Pierre ler 
y jeta les fondements de la marine Russe en y faisant construire en 
1691 pour son instruction une frigate et quelques autres batiments, 

sur lesquels il s'exer9oit aux manoeuvres la frigate n'existe plus, 

mais les bateaux y sont encore soigneusement conserves." (See also 
Schuyler's Peter the Great, vol. i, p. 271.) Pereyaslaf played a not 
unimportant part in history. In 1237, and again in 1252, it was 
sacked by Tartars ; in 1372, Lithuanians, led by Michail of Tver, 
besieged it, but were driven away with heavy losses. In 1409 and 
1415, Yedigher and his Tartars laid it waste. In 1240, Alexander 
Nefsky, having quarrelled with the Novgorodians, retired to Pere- 
yaslaf, and his son Dmitry afterwards lived there. In the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries Pereyaslaf became an appanage of Mosco, 
and its inhabitants were obliged to supply the court with fish. — 
Semeonof , art. " Pereyaslaf". 



Dowhnay 30. verstes,^ so to Godoroke 30. versteSj^so to Owchay^ 
30. verstes,'^ and last to the Musco 25. verstes, where I ar- 
riued the sixt day of December. 

There are 14. postes called Fannes^ betweene Vologhda and 
Musco, which are accompted 500. verstes asunder. 

The 10. day of December, I was sent for to the Emperors 
Castle by the sayd Emperour, and deliuered my letters vnto 
the Secretarie,^ who talked with me of diuers matters, by the 
commandement of the Emperour. And after that my letters 
were translated, I was answered that I was welcome, and 
that the Emperour would giue me that I desired. 

^ Dubna (Dowbnay) is marked " Doobna" on the French map 
1:424000; a river of the same name divides the Governments of 
Vladimir and Mosco. 

2 Godoroke (Gorodok) also finds place on the French map, and, 
doubtless, marks the site of an old fort. 

3 Owchay^ evidently the Outscha River (near Pushkino) of French 
map, exactly 25 versts from Mosco. — C. 

* The Tartar word Yam (" Yanne" of the text) has been entirely 
superseded by the Western European potcht (poshta, post), though pre- 
served in yamstchik, or postal driver. The Russian posting system 
was entirely modelled after that of the Tartars, though the words 
have been modernised, or, if we may so term it, Earopeanised. An 
account of the Yams^ as prevailing in China in the Middle Ages, will 
be found in Colonel Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither, from the 
narratives of Friar Odoric and Shah Rukh's ambassadors. A com- 
parison of these with experiences of Russian posting shows how 
close a resemblance there is ; even the mode of carrying express 
despatches by estafette completely answers to the kidifu of the 
Tartars, except that instead of foot-runners, fleet horses are kept at 
every station, whose riders, when carrying important despatches, never 
draw the rein from one end to the other of the stage, averaging about 

. twelve to fifteen miles. Railways and telegraphs are, of course, revo- 
lutionising communications, but the old style of travel is being intro- 
duced into Central Asia, where the locomotive has not yet had time 
to penetrate. The etymology of the word " yam" is from the Chinese 
pi-nuij i.e., horse-post. — Cathay and the Way Thither, ccii, 137-39. 

* Jenkinson does not say who this secretary was, but Killingworth 
informs us that his name was Evan Mecallawicke Weskawate (Ivan 
Michailovitch Viscovatof), who was very friendly to the English. — 
if«R, p.301. 


The 25. day, being the day of the natiuitie, I came into 
the Emperours presence, and kissed his hand, who sate aloft 
iu a goodly chaire of estate, hauing on his heade a crowne 
most richly decked, and a stafite of golde in his hand, all 
apparelled with golde, and garnished with precious stones. 

There sate distant from him about two yardes his brother,^ 
and next vnto him a boye of twelue yeeres of age, who was 
inheritor to y® Emperor of Casan? conquered by this Emperor 
8. yeeres past. Then sate his nobilitie round about him, 
richly apparelled with golde and stone. And after I had 
done obeisance to the Emperour, he with his owne mouth 
calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed 
to my lodging till dinner time, which was at sixe of the 
clocke, by candle light. 

The Emperour dined in a faire great Hall,^ in the middest 
whereof was a pillar foure square, very artificially made, 

* This probably was Yuri, younger brother of Ivan, in whose charge 
he left the affairs of his kingdom when he was absent. 

2 The Tartar boy prince was Utamit, or Utamish Glurei, son of 
Safa Ghirei and the beautiful Nogai princess, Siyunbeka. Utamit was 
taken with his mother at Kazan in 1551, and brought toMosco, where 
he was baptised in 1552, under the name of Dmitri. He had been 
placed on the throne of Kazan when only two years of age, on the 
death of his father in 1549. This would make him ten years of age, 
not twelve, as in the text. Howorth states, on what authority I know 
not, that this young prince died at Mosco on the ] 1th June 1556. If 
this be correct, the young prince seen by our traveller in December 
that year could not have been Utamish. — Karamsin, viii, 99, 102, 212, 
221, 226 ; Howorth's Hist, of the Mongols, pt. ii,div. i, p. 409. 

3 This hall was the celebrated Granovitaya palata, where ambassa- 
dors and foreigners of distinction were received in audience, and enter- 
tained at great feasts. The old building, erected in the fifteenth 
century by Ivan III, and designed by two Italian architects, Marco 
Ruffo and Petro Antonio, suffered several times from fires. In 
1686 it was rebuilt by Prince Galitsin, and after the great fire of 
1737 was restored by the Empress Elizabeth. This hall was also the 
place of assemblage for the sobbri, or gatherings of notables, to discuss 
affairs of state and religion. — Semeonof, art. "Mosco"; Karamsin, 
vol. viii, passim. 


about which were diuers tables set, and at the vppermost 
part of the Hall sate the Emperour himselfe, & at his table 
sate his brother, his Vncles sonne, the Metropolitaine, the 
young Emperour of Casan, and diuers of his noble men, all of 
one side. There were diuers Ambassadors & other strangers, 
as wel Christians as Heathens, diuersly apparelled, to the 
number of 600. men, which dined in the said hall, besides 
2000. Tartars, men of war, which were newly come to render 
themselues to the Emperour, & were appointed to serue him 
in his warres against the Lyfflanders, but they dined in other 
hals. I was set at a litle table, hauing no stranger with me, 
directly before the Emperors face. Being thus set and placed, 
the Emperour sent me diuers bowles of wine and meade & 
many dishes of meat from his own hand, which were brought 
me by a Duke, and my table serued all in golde and siluer, 
and so likewise on other tables there were set boles of gold, 
set with stone, worth by estimation 400. pounds sterling one 
cup, besides the plate which serued the tables. 

There was also a Cupboord of plate, most sumptuous and 
rich, which was not vsed, among the which was a peece of 
golde of two yardes long, wrought in the toppe with Towers 
and Dragons lieades ; also diuers barrels of golde and siluer,^ 
with Castles on the bungs, richly and artificially made. The 
Emperour and all the Hall throughout was serued with 
Dukes, and when dinner was ended, the Emperour called 
niee by name, & gaue mee drinke with his own hande, & so I 
departed to my lodging. 

1 This display of gold and silver vessels, which made so great an 
impression on our traveller, showed the extent of Russia's commerce 
in those days. Through the Tartars she had dealings with the 
Levant, and much of the wealth of the Indies found its way to the 
court of Mosco. But little of this sumptuous plate came from the 
lately sacked Kazan, for, on the capture of this fortress in 1551, Ivan 
abandoned the booty to his army, reserving to himself only the crown 
and sceptre of the Czars, and the national standard and cannons, saying 
the only riches he cared for were '■''peace with honour'''' for Russia. — 
Karamsin, viii, 192. 


Note, that when the Eniperour drinketh, all the conipaiiie 
staude vp, and at euery time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish 
of meate he blesseth himselfe. Many other things I saw 
that day, not here noted. 

The 4. of lanuarie, which was Twelftide with them, the 

Eniperour, with his brother and all his nobles, all most richly 

apparelled with gold, pearles, pretious stones, and costly furres, 

with a crowne vpon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went 

to the Church in procession, with the Metropolitan, and diners 

bishops and priests. That day I was before the Emperour 

again in Busse apparel, and the Emperour asked if that were 

not I, and his Chancelor answered yea. Then he bad me to 

dinner : then came he out of the Church, and went with the 

procession vpon the riuer, being all frozen, and there standing 

bare headed, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in 

the ice, and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great 

solemnitie, and seruice, and did cast of the said water vpon 

the Emperours sonne and the Nobilitie. That done, the people 

with great thronging filled pots of the said water, to carry 

home to their houses, and diners children were throwen in, 

and sicke people, and plucked out quickly againe, and diuers 

Tartars christened : all which the Emperour beheld. Also 

there were brought the Emperours best horses, to drinke at 

the said hallowed water.* All this being ended, he returned 

1 This ceremony, since transferred to St. Petersburg, is perpetuated 
on the banks of the Neva, on the 6th, not the 4th, of January. 
A scaffolding is erected opposite the Winter Palace, and a 
wooden temple built on the ice. The Emperor, attended by the 
Metropohtan, clergy, and high officers of State, then proceeds 
to a raised dais prepared for him, and stands with head uncovered, 
while the priests chaunt a service standing round an open hole 
cut in the ice, and taking the blessed water, sprinkle it over those 
present, and afterwards among the people. These eagerly press 
forward to receive some of the hallowed drops, believing in their 
extraordinary virtue. Immersion of children and full-grown persons 
is now rare, though an occasional fanatic jumps itito the icy water, 
and is immediately pulled out : and the custom of bringing the 
Emperor's best horses to drink is quite obsolete. 

34 Mosco. 

to his pallace againe, and went to dinner by candle light, and 
sate in a woodden house, very fairely gilt. There dined in 
the place, aboue 300. strangers, and I sate alone, as I did 
before, directly before the Emperour, and had my meat, bread, 
and drinke sent me from the Emperour. 

The citie of Mitsko^ is great, the houses for the most part 

1 Jenkinson's description of Mosco is somewhat meagre, but he was 
there only a short time, and was intent on prosecuting his journey 
further eastwards. Herberstein, who was at Mosco in 1517 and 
1526, on embassies relating to Polish affairs, and who resided there 
several months, has left full particulars of this city. At that time 
Mosco had a great many churches, 45,500 houses and cottages, and 
100,000 inhabitants ; a handsome gostinny dvor, or bazaar, surrounded 
by a stone wall, stood in the Great, or New Suburb, "i.e., outside 
the Kremlin. This, in 1534, was surrounded by a moat, and afterwards 
by a wall with towers, abutting on the Kremlin on the east side, and 
forming the enclosure now so well known as the Kitai gorod (i.e., central 
town), a name it received afterwards because of its central position 
between the Zemlianoi gm^od (earthen town, i.e., surrounded by an 
earthen rampart) and the Kremlin. Towards the end of the sixteenth 
century, Mosco, with its suburbs, had a circumference of twenty 
versts, or about twelve miles ; the princes and wealthy boyards lived 
inside the Kremlin. The Kitai goi^od was the great place of trade and 
barter ; here, too, lived wealtny boyards and guests. The Biely gorod 
(white town) was the resort of boyards, merchants, and burghers, 
whilst in the Zemlianoi gorod lived the black, or common people. The 
oldest historical buildings of Mosco are the walls of the Kremlin, 
with those of the adjoining Kitai goi'od, some of the towers, and the 
Lobnoye niesto opposite the Spassky gate, mentioned in the documents 
of the sixteenth century as the place where the people assembled to 
hear laws promulgated and the affairs of State and Church decided. 
In the Kremlin itself are the Teremny dvoi'etz, the private palace of 
the Tsars, dating from 1487, restored in 1836, according to the ancient 
design, and the Cathedral of the Assumption, built by the Venetian 
Fioraventi, under Ivan the Third's orders, the walls of which have 
survived so many fires and disasters, and are still standing. These 
buildings must have been actually seen by Jenkinson. Of others, 
such as the Granovitaya palata, the grand banqueting and audience 
hall, modem changes have left but little resemblance to what they 
were then. But the general appearance of the city, with its irregular 
streets, its numerous churches and monasteries, its great market- 
places and bazaars, has remained the same. — Semeonof, art. "Mosco"; 
Herberstein, Hakl. Soc., ii, 1-7. 


of wood, and some of stone, with windowes of yron, which 
serue for summer time. There are many faire Churches of 
stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the winter 
time. The Emperours lodging is in a faire, and large castle, 
walled foure square of bricke, high, and thicke, situated vpon 
a liil, two miles about, and the riuer on the Southwest side 
of it, and it hath 16. gates in the wals, and as many bulwarks. 
His pallace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long 
wall going north and south, to the riuer side. In his pallace 
are Churches, some of stone, and some of wood, with round 
towers, fairely gilded. In the Church doores and within the 
Churches, are images of golde: the chiefe markets for all 
things, are within the saide Castle, and for sundry thinges, 
sundry markets, and euery science by itselfe. Also in the 
winter there is a great market without the Castle, vpon the 
riuer being frozen, and there is sold come, earthen pots, tubs, 
sleds, &c. The Castle is in circuite 2900. pases. 

The cuntrie is full of marish ground, and plaine, in 
woods and riuers abundant, but it bringeth foorth good 
plentie of corne. This Emperour is of great power: for 
he hath conquered much, as well of the Lyfflanders} Poles, 

* Lyflanders (Livonians), German inhabitants of Livland, one of 
the Baltic provinces of Russia- At the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, Livland was under the Teutonic Knights, whose power soon 
afterwards declined. They showed jealousy at the progress of Russia, 
and thwarted her plans by preventing artisans and handicraftsmen 
engaged in Germany from entering Russia and instructing its people. 
They also placed an embargo on the import of arms and metals into 
this country, attributing to Ivan ambitious designs of conquest, which 
were not altogether foreign to his policy. Accordingly, when, in 
1554, ambassadors from Livonia sued for a renewal of the peace 
which had lasted fifty years, Ivan exacted conditions ; and these not 
having been fulfilled, he assumed the title of " King of Livonia", and 
sent his army to invade this country in the autumn of 1557. After 
laying it waste and burning several towns, his troops returned in 
February 1558 to Ivangorod on the Narova. Narva itself was taken 
in the spring of the same year. This, followed by the capitulation of 
Dorpat and other successes, made Ivan master of Livonia, broke the 


Zettos,^ and Swethens,^ as also of the Tartars and Gentiles, 
called Samoydes^ hauing thereby much inlarged his do- 
power of the Teutonic Knights, and opened the Baltic to Russian 
commerce. — Karamsin, viii, p. 292, seq. 

1 Lettos (Letts), a people of Slavonian origin, inhabiting Lithuania 
and parts of Livland. In the sixteenth century, Lithuania formed 
part of Poland. Augustus, King of Poland and Grand Duke of 
Lithuania, espoused the cause of Livonia, and encouraged the 
Teutonic Knights to resist Russia. He wrote a haughty letter to 
Ivan, demanding the evacuation of the Baltic provinces by his troops. 
This demand was as haughtily declined by the Tsar, who prepared for 
war with Poland, which he saw had become inevitable. The lan- 
guage of the Letts is said to be nearer Sanskrit than any other of the 
Aryan group. — Karamsin, viii, p. 358. 

2 Sioethem (Swedes). Gustavus Vasa looked with anxiety at the 
increasing power of Russia, and formed a league with Poland, Livonia, 
Prussia, and Denmark to oppose their common enemy, endeavouring, 
though unsuccessfully, to enlist Queen Mary of England in the cause, 
and induce her to prohibit the English from trading with Russia. 
Hostilities having commenced, Gustavus thought to gain an easy 
victory. But his troops, having failed to take a Russian fortress, were 
obliged to act on the defensive, and being worsted in several en- 
counters, Gustavus made peace, and sent an embassy, composed of his 
principal officers of State, to Mosco, in February 1557,. to arrange 
terms with the Tsar. — Karamsin^ viii, p. 274, seq. 

3 Samoydes (Samoyedes), a people of Altaic race, inhabiting 
Northern Russia in Europe and the shore of the Arctic Sea as far 
east as the Gulf of Taimur. They are allied with Yakiites and other 
people of Finnish race, and, like these, are becoming extinct, some of 
their tribes having lost their distinctive characteristics. Of their early 
history but little is known ; some believe them to have originally 
come from High Asia, and to have been driven towards the north- 
west of the continent by the Huns. This was the opinion of Cas- 
tren, who devoted himself to this branch of ethnographical research. 
Though they came into contact with the Russians in the fifteenth 
century, they have remained to this day singularly free from Russian 
influences and Christianity. They are, strictly speaking, nomads wan- 
dering from place to place with their reindeer, living in tents made of 
the skins of this animal, and pursuing their occupations of hunters 
and fishermen. They are of medium height, strongly built, muscular, 
and active, with flat, wide faces, large heads, straight black hair, and 
small obliquely-set eyes. They worship idols, but acknowledge one 
supreme being, " Sam Num", to whom their Shamans, or priests, pray. 


minions. He keepeth his people in great subiection : all 
matters passe his iudgement, be they neuer so small. The 
lawe is sharpe for all offenders. 

The Metropolitan^ dealeth in matters of religion, as hini- 
selfe listeth, whome the Emperour greatly honoreth. They 
vse the ceremonies and orders of the Greeke Church. They 
worship many images, painted on tables, and specially the 
image of S. Nicholas. Their Priests be married, but their 
wiues being dead, they may not marrie tlie second time, and 
so become Monkes, whereof there are a great number in the 

They haue foure Lents in the yeere, and the weeke before 
Shroftide they call the Butter weeke, &c. 

They haue many sortes of meates and drinkes when they 
banket, and delight in eating of grosse meates and stinking 
fishe. Before they drinke, they vse to blowe in the cup : 
their greatest friendship is in drinking : they are great 
talkers, & liers, without any faith or trust in their words, 
flatterers, and dissemblers. The women be there very obedient 
to their husbands, and are kept straightly from going abroad, 
but at some seasons.^ 

(Semeonof, art. " Samoyede".) Steven Burrough gives a description 
of them and their idol worship in the journal of his voyage to the 
River Ohi.—IIaU., 1589, p. 318. 

1 Archbishop Macarius, renowned for his intelligence and active 
piety, was made Metropolitan in 1542 through the influence of the 
Shuisky party, during the minority of Ivan. In those days the Metro- 
politan exercised his high functions. He alone had free access to the 
sovereign, advised with him on affairs of State, and opposed his influ 
ence to that of powerful nobles. {Karamsiii, viii, p. 37.) Metro- 
politans of the present day do not venture to interfere in State affairs ; 
in all other respects the Greek Church in Russia is but little altered. 

2 Russian domestic life in the sixteenth century was greatly 
influenced by the Mongol dominion, which lasted upwards of two 
centuries. In nothing was this more apparent than in the seclusion 
of women and the degraded position they held in the family. "When 
she went out of doors the woman covered her face with the fata, or 
thick veil, like that woi n liy Persian women of the present day. Like 


At my being there, I heard of men, and women, that drunke 
away their children, and all their goods, at the Emperours 
taueme, and not being able to pay, hauing impauned him- 
selfe, the Tauerner bringeth him out to the high way, and 
beates him vpon the legges : then they that passe by, know- 
ing the cause, and hauing peraduenture compassion vpon him, 
giueth the monie, and so he is ransomed. 

In euery good towne, there is a drunken Tauerne, called 
a Cursemay, which the Emperour sometime letteth out to 
farme, & sometimes bestoweth for a yeere or two on some 
Duke or Gentleman, in recompence of his seruice : and for 
that time he is Lord of all the Towne, robbing and spoiling, 
and doing what pleaseth him: and then he being growen 

these, too, she painted her face and darkened her eyebrows, so that, to 
use the quaint language of the period, a man might discern the 
colours hanging on the woman's face "almost a flight shoot off", and they 
looked " as though they were beaten about the face with a bag of 
meal", while their eyebrows were as black as jet. Rambaud, in his 
history of Russia, remarks that the custom of secluding women in 
Russia was older than the Tartar invasion. He traces it to the 
Asiatic origin of the Slavs, and Byzantine influence, drawing a parallel 
between the gynoecum of the Middle Ages in Byzantium, knd the terem, 
or verkh, the upper or women's apartment in Mosco. Without pausing 
to consider a subject of no little ethnological interest, we may 
observe that modern Russian travellers find a counterpart of old Rus- 
sian manners and customs in those prevailing at the courts of petty 
Asiatic princes at the present day. 

As to the obedience of women to their husbands, Herberstein 
relates an odd anecdote of a German artilleryman iharried to a Rus- 
sian wife. The lady reproached her husband for not proving his love 
by beating her. He complied with her wishes, and finally cut off 
her head and legs. In England, women were also barbarously 
treated, if we may believe an old distich: 

" A wife, a spaniel, a walnut-tree, 
The more you beat them the better they be." 

" Beat your shuba" (».«., fur overcoat), says the Russian proverb, 
"and it will be warmer; beat your wife, and she shall be sweeter."^— 
Uakl, 1589, p. 346; Ramhaud, i, 316-319; Herberstein, Hakl. Soc., 
i, 94 ; Javorsky's Travels of the Russian Mission to AfyJiuuistan, vol. i, 
p. 37. 

DRESS. 39 

riche, is taken by the Emperour, and sent to the warres 
againe, where he shall spend all that which he hath gotten 
by ill meanes : so that the Emperour in his warres is little 
charged, but all the burden lieth vpon the poore people. 

They vse sadles made of wood and sinewes, with the tree 
gilded w* damaske work, and the seate couered with cloth, 
sometimes of golde, and the rest SaphiarO- leather, well 
stitched. They vse little drummes at their sadle bowes, by 
the sound whereof, their horses vse to runne more swiftly. 

The Russe is apparelled in this manner^ : his vpper garment 
is of cloth of golde, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foote, 
and buttened with great buttons of siluer, or els laces of 
silke, set on with brooches, the sleeues thereof very long, 
which he weareth on his arme, ruffed vp. Vnder that he 
hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons, with 
a high coller standing vp of some colour, and that garment is 
made straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought 
with red silke, or some gold, with a coller of pearle. Vnder 
his shirt lie hath linnen breeches vpon his legges, a paire of 
hose without feete, & his bootes of red or yellow leather. 

^ Sivphian (pronounced Saffian), Russian for leather made from 

2 An engraving in Herberstein (vol. i, p. 96) represents the dress 
and equipments of the Russian boyard of the sixteenth century. Its 
completely Asiatic character has bee^i preserved to our day among the 
lower orders. The long upper garment, or kaftan, reaching to the 
feet, with long sleeves ruffed up the arm, and the red shirt, are worn 
by traders and peasants of modern Russia. Herberstein says : — 
" They all use the same kind of dress and bodygear ; they wear 
oblong tunics without folds, and with rather tight sleeves, almost 
in the Hungarian style, in which the Christians have buttons to 
fasten the breast on the right side; but Tartars, who wear a similar 
garment, have the buttons on the left side. They wear boots of a 
colour approaching to red, and rather short, so as not to reach the 
knees ; the soles are protected with iron nails. They nearly all have 
shirts ornamented round the neck with various colours, fastened with 
necklaces, or with silver or copper gilt beads with clasps added for 
ornament's sake." - (i, p. 100.) 


On his head he weareth a white Colepecke/ with buttons of 
siluer, gold, pearle, or stone, and vnder it a blacke Foxe 
cap, turned vp very broad. 

When he rideth on horse backe to the warres, or any 
iourney, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his 
bowe and arrowes of the same manner. In the towne he 
weareth no weapon, but onely two or three paire of kniues 
hauing the hafts of the tooth of a fishe, called the Morse.^ 

In the Winter time, the people trauell with sleds, in Towne 
and Countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow : 
the waters and riuers are all frozen, and one horse with a 
sled, will draw a man vpon it 400. miles, in three dales : but 
in the Summer time, the way is deepe with mire, and tra- 
uelling is very ill. 

The Busse, if he be a man of any abilitie, neuer goeth out 
of his house in the Winter, but vpon his sled, and in Summer 
vpon his horse : and in his sled he sits vpon a carpet, or a 
white Beares skinne: the sled is drawen with a horse well 
decked, with many Foxes and Woolues tailes at his necke,^ & 
is conducted by a litle boy vpon his backe: his seruants 
stand vpon the taile of the sled, &c. 

> Colepecke (kolpak), a word of purely Tartar origin, meaning the 
back of the head, and afterwards applied to a covering for the 
head ; it corresponds with the Russian shapka (probably Eng. shako, 
French chapeau), and was applied to any kind of headgear. Herber- 
stein (p. 106) mentions their white peaked hats of felt (of which 
coarse mantles were made) rough from the shop. The word is found 
in the name " Kara-kalpak",' or Black Caps, a tribe of Mongol Turks, 
settled in the delta of Amu-daria. See Wood's Shores of Lake Aral, 
p. 189. 

2 Morse (walrus). Professor Nordenskiold says that doubtless the 
walrus was hunted by Polar tribes long before the historic period, 
implements of walrus-bone having been found among the Northern 
graves. Walrus tusks were an article of export to Lithuania and 
Turkey; and the Turks manufactured of them dagger-handles. — 
Voyage of the Vega, i, 158 ; see also Herher stein, i, 112 ; and ii, 111. 

3 Such ornaments as are described in the text have become obsolete ; 
so also is thg driving with a postillion. It is only in the case of some 
great Church dignitary that a postillion is used, but this is disappearing. 

The voyage of M. Anthony lenkinson, made from 

the citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghar in Bactria, 

in the yere 1558 : written by himself e to the Merchants 

of London of the Moscouie companie.^ 

The 23. day of Aprill, in the yeere 1558 (hauing obteined 
the Emperour of Eussia his letters, directed viito sundry 
kings and princes, by whose dominions I should passe) I 
departed from Mosco by water, hauing with me two of your 
seruants, namely, Eichard Johnson and Eobert Johnson,^ 
and a Tartar Tolmach,^ with diners parcels of wares, as by 
the inuentory appeareth : and the 28. day we came to a towne 
called Gollom,'*' distant from the Mosco 20. leagues, & passing 

1 Haklmjt, 1589, p. 347. 

2 Of the two Johnsons, Richard was appointed by the Russia Com- 
pany in 1565 to the command of an expedition to Persia. He does not 
appear, however, to have been a suitable person for this post, judging 
from a letter of the directors printed in Hakluyt : — " We marveile 
that Richard Johnson was sent into Persia as chefe, being a man in 
our opinion unfitt for that chardge, and nothing so fitte as another.'' 
— See JIakluyt, 1589, p. 376 ; Hamel, England and Mussia, p. 169. 

^ Tolmatch is a Tartar word meaning " interpreter". From its close 
resemblance to " Tollemache", it is possible that the noble family of 
this name may be descended from a Tartar ancestor. The suggestion 
may, perhaps, interest some learned antiquary. 

* Collom (Kolomna) stands on the right bank of the Moskva, at 
its confluence with the Oka, and is the chief town of a district of the 
Government of Mosco, sixty-seven miles from the capital. Kolomna 
is mentioned in chronicles as far back as 1177. At that time, and 
down to the fourteenth century, it formed part of the Duchy of 
Riazan. It was frequently sacked by the Tartars and Poles, and in 
1525 was completely destroyed by Makhmet Ghirei, Khan of the 
Crimea. Ivan III rebuilt the walls and fortifications, which exist to 
the present day. Kolomna became a place of banishment for persons 
of distinction ; it received a few of the exiled Novgorodians when 


one league beyond the said Collom, we came vnto a riiier 
called Occa} into the which the riuer Mosco falleth, and 
looseth his name: and passing downe the said riuer Occa 
8. leagues, we came vnto a castle called Terreuettisko,^ which 
we left vpon our right hand, and proceeding forward, the 
second day of May, we came vnto another castle called 
Peroslaue? distant 8. leagues, leaning it also on our right 

Ivan IV reduced their city to ashes. In the sixteenth century, 
however, when our traveller visited it, Kolomna was a mustering 
ground or rendezvous for the various expeditions against the Tartars. 
— Semeonof, art. " Kolomna". 

1 Occa (Okk) is a name borne by several rivers in Russia ; the most 
important is that mentioned in the text, a right tributary of the 
Volga. The Oka has a length of 930 miles, and drains an area of 4,600 
square geographical miles. It flows through populous districts, and 
is a valuable means of communication between manufacturing and 
agricultural settlements on its banks. 

' Terreuettisko (Perevitsky Torjok), a village in the Government 
of Riazan, twenty miles from the district town of Zaraisk. This 
village occupies the site of the ancient town of Perevitsk, mentioned 
in the diary of Pimen, Metropolitan of Mosco in 1381. Ruins of old 
fortifications are still to be seen on the high bank of the Oka. — 
Semeonof, art. " Perevitsky Torjok". 

3 Peroslaue (Pereslavl, or Pereyaslavl) is the modern town of Riazan, 
still known as Pereslavl-Riazan, to distinguish it from Pereslavl- 
Zalesski (ante^ p. 29), a town in the Government of Vladimir. The 
exact year of the foundation of Pereslavl is unknown. According to an 
old chronicle, when Roman -Igorevitch, grandson of Gleb, was prince, 
Bishop Arsenius I. laid its foundations in 1198 a.d., near a lake, " with 
prayers and blessing of waters"; some, however, attribute to it a still 
earlier existence (1095), and mention Yaroslavl, the son of Sviato- 
slavl, a famous builder of cities, as its founder. Till the end of the 
thirteenth century, Pereslavl occupied an insignificant position among 
Russian cities; but in 1294 there happened a miracle. St. Vassili, 
Bishop of Murom, floated thither down the Oka on his mantle — a 
perilous kind of raft, which he was compelled to venture upon owing 
to the slanderous accusations of his leading an immoral life brought 
by the inhabitants of Murom. At Pereslavl the worthy bishop 
established his see, joining Murom with it. Pereslavl, thus honoured, 
rose to a high position in the religious world, and became the resi- 
dence of the princes of Riazan, who removed hither from Old Riazan. 
From that time Pereslavl became one of the most important towns of 


hand. The third day we came vnto the place where Okie 
Jlezan} was situate, being now most of it ruined and ouer- 
growen, and distant from the said Peroslaue 6. leagues : the 
4. day we passed by a castle called Terecoiiia,^ from Mezan 
12. leagues, and the 6. day we came to another castle called 
Cassim,^ vnder the gouernment of a Tartar prince named 

Russia, completely echpsing Old Riazan. It shared, in common with 
so many other cities, in the misfortunes attending Tartar invasions ; 
but, in 1564, saw for the last time before its walls the Tartar host, led 
by Devlet Ghirei, Khan of the Crimea, who was compelled to retire 
after ravaging the environs. — Semeonof, art. " Pereslavl-Riazan". 

' Old Riazan is now merely a village standing on the high 
right bank of the Okk. Its early history was a troublous one, 
and it suffered many a shock from Tartar hordes and rival Slav 
princes. In 1237, Batu, grandson of Jinghiz Khan, destroyed it; 
and twenty years before that date, Vsevolod, son of Yuri, Prince 
of Vladimir, reduced it to ashes. These misfortunes, but chiefly its 
unsuitable geographical position, caused its abandonment, and gradu- 
ally New or Pereslavl-Riazan became the capital. A ruined fortress, 
defended on three sides by ramparts, on the fourth by the precipitous 
bank of the river, long marked its site, and excavations made in its 
environs during the present century have brought to light interesting 
historical relics of the old princes of Riazan. These are preserved in 
the Granovitaya Palata at Mosco. — Semeonof, art. " Riazan Staraia". 

2 Terecouia, on Jenkinson's map " Tereckhoue" (Terikhovo), is a 
village in the Spassky district of the Government of Riazan, thirty 
miles from the town of Spassky. It stood on the Oka, near the 
mouth of the Pora, and was the site of a monastery referred to in 
the Bolshoi chertej, or great survey of Russia, referred to the thirteenth 
century. Terikhovo received a charter in 1520. — Semeonof, art. 
" Terikhovo". 

3 Cassim (Kassimof ), on the left bank of the Okk, is the chief town 
of a district of that name in the Government of Riazan, with a his- 
tory buried, like its ancient walls, by Mongol hordes in 1376. Ancient 
gramota, or Acts, refer to it under the name of Meschersk ; and in 
1452 the place must have so far recovered its downfall as to have 
been thought worthy a gift by Duke Vassili the Blind to the Tartar 
prince Kassim, as a mark of gratitude for assistance rendered him in 
recovering his Duchy of Mbsco from a usurper of the name of 
Shemiaka. Since that time the town was better known as Kassimof, 
though later Acts continue to mention it under its ancient name. For 
upwards of two centuries, from 1452 to 1677, the Tartar princes, or 


Vtzm^ Zegoline} sometime Emperor of the worthy citie of 
Gazan, and now subiect vnto the Emperor of Kussia. But 
leaning Cassim on our left hand, the 8. day we came vnto a 
fayre towne called Morom^ from Cassim 20. leagues, where 

Tsarevitchi {i.e., sons of Tsars) of Kassimof, remained faithful adhe- 
rents of Mosco, and assisted her in her wars against Tartars, Nov- 
gorod, Livonia, and Poland. — Semeonof, art. "Kassimof". 

^ Shah Ali is the Tartar prince spoken of under the name of Tsar 
Zegoline. He was made Khan of Kazan in 1519, but was obliged to 
abdicate in 1521, owing to his unpopularity with the Tartars. He 
then took refuge with the Russian Grand Duke Vassili, who gave him 
two towns as his portion. In 1526 Herberstein saw him in Mosco, 
and speaks of him as " King Scheale", holding high position at Court. 
Having been convicted of traitorous dealings with Kazan, he was 
imprisoned and kept in captivity for several years, but was pardoned 
by Ivan the Terrible, and received a gift of the town of Meschersk 
(Kassimof). Twice again he was placed on the throne of Kazan, but 
only reigned for short periods. He served the Russians in their wars 
against Sweden, Livonia, and Poland, returning from these campaigns 
to Kassimof, where he erected a mausoleum, in which he was interred 
in 1567. This, and an inscription in Arabic relating to him, are still 
preserved. — Veliaminof Zernof, Izsledovauiya o Kassimofskikh Taa- 
riakh, pt. i, pp. 277-558 ; Hoioorth, pt. Ii, div. 1, pp. 400-34 ; Herber- 
stein, ii, 134-137. 

2 Murom, in 55° 35' N. lat., is well situated on the high left bank of 
the Oka, here a broad, navigable river ; and is surrounded by great 
forests abounding in bees and wild animals. With these advantages 
it has also another, that of being the mart or place of interchange of 
the products of the manufacturing districts on the west and the fer- 
tile corn-producing plains on the east. Murom is one of the very- 
oldest cities of Russia, and is connected with her popular legendary 
hero, Ilya Murometz (i.e., Elijah of Murom). The name is said to 
have been derived from a Finnish tribe, who founded it in the ninth 
century, and who were, according to Nestor, subject to Rurik the 
Varangian. In the eleventh century, Murom formed an independent 
dukedom, and its first prince was Gleb, son of Vladimir, who reigned 
till 1016. Subsequently its princes appear to have owned allegiance 
to other dukes, and in 1353, in the time of the last of their rulers, 
Yuri-Yaroslavitch, they became united with Vladimir, and were after- 
wards incorporated with Mosco. Murom was ravaged by the Bol- 
ghars in 1087; in 1096 it was taken by Isiaslaf, son of Monomachos, 
In 1239, 1281, and 1293 the Tartars laid it waste; and at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century the Poles put to the sword whole suburbs 


wc toolce tlie soiine, and found the latitude 5G. degrees : and 
proceeding forward tlie 11. day, we came vnto another fayre 
towne and castle called Nyse Nouogrod} situated at the 
falling of the foresaid riuer Occa into the woorthy riuer of 
Volga, distant from the said Morom 25. leagues, in the latitude 
of 56. degrees 18. minuts. From Rezan to this Nyse l^ouo- 
(/rod, on both sides the said riuer of Occa, is raised the greatest 
store of waxe and hony^ in all the land of Kussia. We tarryed 
at the foresayd Nyse Nouogrod, vntill the 19. day, for the 
comming of a captaine which was sent by the Emperour to 
rule at Astracan, who being arriued, and hauing the number 
of 500. great boates vnder his conduct, same laden with 
victualles, souldiers, and munition : and other some with 
merchandize, departed altogether the said 19. day from the 
said Nyse Nouogrod, and the 22. we came vnto a castle called 

inhabited by its fishermen. The traveller Lepekhin, who visited 
Murom in 1768, found there eighteen churches and two monasteries, 
and a population engaged chiefly in raising cucumbers and fishing. The 
most ancient of its churches is the Cathedral of the Nativity, contain- 
ing the relics of David, Prince of Murom, and his wife Theophronia, 
who died in 1228. — Semeonof, art. "Murom". 

^ Nijny Novgorod (lat. 56° 20' N.), the seat of the great annual fair 
visited by foreigners from all countries, came within that tract known 
to Russians in early days as Nizovshiye Zemli (the lowlands), com- 
prising the country inhabited by the Finnish tribe of Mordva, who 
were subjugated by the Russians after they had founded their Duke- 
dom of Suzdal. Here, in 1221, Yuri, son of Vsevolod, founded a 
town at the mouth of the Oka, and gave it the name of Novgrad 
(i.r., New Town). From the commencement, Novgorod promised to 
become great, notwithstanding every kind of disaster, and it finally 
rose to the first rank among Russian towns. Its commanding position 
at the confluence of two great rivers, its enormous transit trade, and 
its fair, have made it prosperous. The fortress, or "castle", stands on 
the high right bank of the Volga, overlooking its broad stream, and the 
lowlands on the opposite side. — Semeonof, art. " Nijny Novgorod". 

2 The forests round Murom abounded with bees, affording inex- 
haustible supplies of beeswax, an article of commerce in great demand 
in those days by English merchants. —See Killingworth'is letter to the 
merchant adventurers, Utdlai/f, 1 i)H\\ p. 21)^. 


VasUiagorod^ distant 25. leagues, which we left upon our 
right hand. This towne or castle had his name of this 
Emperours father, who was called Vasilius, and gorod in the 
Eusse tongue, is as much to say as a castle, so that Vasilia- 
gorody is to say, Vasilius castle : and it was the furthest place 
that the sayd Emperor conquered from the Tartarres. But 
this present Emperour his sonne, called Itta7i Vasiluvich, 
hath had great good successe in his warres, both against the 
Christians and also the Mahometists and Gentils, but espe- 
cially against the Tartarres, inlarging his Empyre euen to 
the Caspian sea,^ hauing conquered the famous riuer of 
Volga, with all the countryes thereabout adiacent. Thus 
proceeding oh our iourney the 25. day of May aforesaid, we 
came to another castle called Sahowshare^ which we left on 

^ Vassil, otherwise known as Vassilsursk (i.e., Vassil on the Sura, a 
right affluent of the Volga), was built by Vassili, father of Ivan lY, in 
1523, while at war with Sahib Ghirei, Tzar of Kazan. Vassilsursk 
stands at the confluence of the Sura with the Volga, on high ground, 
and parts of the old fortifications are still visible. It is now the chief 
town of a district of the same name included in the Government of 
Nijny Novgorod. — Semeonof, art. " Vassil". 

2 At this period of his reign (1557-58), Ivan IV had triumphed 
over the enemies of Russia. Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden, had 
sued for peace ; Lithuania had renewed the truce ; whilst the Tartar 
kingdoms of Kazan and Astrakhan had fallen at the feet of the con- 
queror. By the downfall of these Tartar principalities, the Volga had 
become throughout its entire course to the Caspian a Russian river. 
" It is most probable", says the historian, " had Ivan then followed up 
his victories and turned his arms against the Crimea, he would have 
found a third Tartar state at his feet, and thus advanced by two cen- 
turies the most glorious event in the reign of the Empress Catherine 
lir—Karamsin, viii, 268-269. 

3 Sabowshare (Cheboksari), a district town of the Government of 
Kazan, on the right bank of the Volga, eighty miles from Kazan. 
It is picturesquely situated in a hollow surrounded on three sides by 
wooded hills, and suffers in consequence from muddy streets. Ac- 
cording to tradition, a village of Chuvashes once stood here, and 
the name of their chief Shabkmar is said to be perpetuated in 
" Cheboksari". The place is mentioned in documents in 1371, when 
Prince Dmitri Joannovitch went to the horde of Mamai. For two 


our vij^lit hand, distant from Vasiliagorod 16 leagues. The 
country heerabout is called Mardouits} and the habitantes 
did prof esse the law of the Gentils : but now being conquered 
by this Emperour of Russia, most of them are Christened, but 
lie in the woods and wildernesse, without towne or habitation. 

centuries after this its name does not occur ; only after the fall of 
Kazan is it found in the list of fortified places garrisoned by Streltsi. 
Cheboksari in recent times has become a commercial town of import- 
ance, owing to its position with reference to the grain-producing dis- 
tricts. — Semeonof, art. " Cheboksari". 

1 Mordovits (i.e., the country of the Mordva), a Finnish tribe occu- 
pying parts of the Volga provinces, and extending as far east as the 
southern Ural and west to the Moksha. At the present day they are most 
numerous in the Government of Simbirsk, where they form twelve 
per cent, of the population. Their numbers in European Russia have 
been estimated at 775,000 of both sexes. Jornandes, in the sixth century, 
is the first writer who mentions them ; though, if their tribe Ersia be 
identical with the Aorsi, the first notices of this people are much older, 
for they are referred to by Ptolemy, Strabo, and Constantine Porphyro- 
genitus. Nestor, the annalist, speaks of the Mordva, and places them 
next to their kinsmen, the Meri. In 1104, the Russian prince, Yaroslavl 
Sviatoslavitch, attacked them, but was defeated with heavy loss ; and 
it was only with the removal of the grand ducal throne to Vladimir 
that the Russians began gradually to subjugate the Mordva and 
colonise their territory. During the Tartar dominion, Russian influ- 
en«e over this tribe made but little progress ; after the fall of Kazan, 
however, the Mordva and their allied tribe, the Cheremissi, were 
compelled to surrender their independence, and soon embraced the 
faith of their conquerors, who pushed their colonies far into their 
land. The Mordva not only learnt Russian, but in course of time 
forgot their own language, which was only preserved in their songs 
and by the women. In some places they have intermingled so much 
with the Russians as to be hardly distinguishable from them. Their 
physical characteristics are — medium height; fair or reddish hair; blue 
or grey eyes. The men are often good-looking, the women rarely^ 
In manners they are gentle, honest, and hospitable, but superstitious, 
somewhat dirty, and addicted to strong drinks. They are all good 
agriculturists. In dress the men are hardly to be distinguished from 
Russian peasants; the women wear white linen shirts, embroidered 
with red wool, confined at the waist with a broad belt of variegated 
woollen stuff and various metal ornaments ; high pointed head-dresses, 
embroidered and hung with coins and beads, and necklaces of coins 
or beads. — Semeonof, art. " Mordva". 


The 27. day we passed by another castle called Siuyasko^ 

distant from Shabow^hare aforesaid 25. leagues : we left it on 

our right hand, and the 29. came vnto an Island one league 

cazan. from the citie of Cazan^ from which falleth downe a riuer 

1 Swyasko, on Jenkinson's map " Suiatsko" (Sviajsk), a district town 
of the Government of Kazan, on the right bank of the Sviaga, near 
its confluence with the Volga. Sviajsk was founded by Ivan in 1551 
as a military post for the campaigns against the Tartars of Kazan 
and the Finnish tribes on the Volga. Karamsin, in describing Ivan's 
march to Kazan in 1552, says : " Le 13 Aoftt, on aper9ut Sviajsk, et ce 
fut avec la plus vive satisfaction que le tzar fixa ses regards sur cette 
ville naissante, fondee sous son regne, pour attester les victoires des 
Russes et le triomphe des Chretiens sur les infideles." Sviajsk was 
once a prosperous place, but towards the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury it declined, its mercantile and industrial inhabitants having 
transferred themselves to the neighbouring Kazan. Archaeologists 
have supposed that Sviajsk occupied the site of Suvar or Siva, an 
ancient town of the Bolgars, existing in the tenth century; but this 
is doubtful. — Shpelefshy^ p. 49 ; Karamsin, viii, p. 149 ; Semeonof, art. 
" Sviajsk". 

2 Kazan, capital of the Government of this name, stands about three 
miles from the Volga, on the River Kazanka. Kazan, in its present 
position, only dates from the fifteenth century ; the ruins of the 
earlier town, mentioned in Russian chronicles as having been destroyed 
by the Novgorodian free bands in 1361, being situate near Kniaz 
Kamaief village, and the name Staraia (Old) Kazan still Hngers about 
the place. Kazan was in those days frequently pillaged by the Rus- 
sians, and did not become important till after the downfall of Bolghar. 
In 1399, Kazan was completely demolished, and Ulu Makhmet, who 
established the Tartar kingdom of Kazan, decided upon finding a more 
suitable site for his capital. Accordingly, about the year 1437, he 
founded a new town, surrounding it with wooden walls ; and this, 
under his successors, grew in wealth and became an emporium of com- 
merce. This is Karamsin's version, but M. Veliaminof Zernof, in his 
Tsars of Kassimof, says Kazan was not demolished in 1399, but 
continued to be ruled by its own princes till 1445, when Makhmutek, 
son of Ulu-Muhammed (Makhmet), formerly Khan of the Golden 
Horde, took it in war, and founded the new Tartar Khanat of Kazan 
(cf. Karamsin, v, 324-327 ; F. Zernof, i, 1-13). In 1552 (not 1549, as 
would appear by Jenkinson's reckoning), Ivan laid siege to Kazan, 
personally conducting operations against the Tartar stronghold. In 
1553, Kazan was formed into an eparchy, and its first archbishop was 
St. Gouri, whose remains are preserved in the cathedral. — Semeonof, 
art. " Kazan". 


called Cazanka reca, & entreth into the foresaid Volga. Cazan 
is a fayre towne, after the Eusse or Tartar fashion, with a 
strong castle, situated vpon a high hill, and was walled round 
about with timber and earth, but now the Emperour of 
Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe tlie olde walles and 
to build them againe of free stone. It hath bene a city 
of great wealth and riches, and being in the hands of the 
Tartarres, it was a kingdome of it selfe, and did more vexe 
the Russes in their warres, then any other nation : but 9. 
yeeres past, this Emperour of Riossia conquered it, and tooke 
the king captiue, who being but yoong is now baptised and 
brought vp in his court with two other princes, which were 
also kings of the said Cazan, and being ech of them in time 
of their raignes in danger of their subiects through ciuil 
discord, came and rendred themselues at seuerall times vnto 
the said Emperor, so that at this present there are three 
princes^ in the court of Russia, which had beene Emperours 
of the said Cazan, whom the Emperour vseth with great 

We remained at Cazan till the 13. day of Tune, and tlien 
departed from thence : and the same day passed by an Island 
called the Island of merchants,^ because it was woont to be 

1 Upon the death of Safa Ghirei in his palace at Kazan, caused by 
an accident while he was drunk, his son Utemit Ghirei Khan, at that 
time (1549) only two years of age, was declared his successor. This 
is the prince to whom reference is made in a previous part of the 
narrative {ante, p. 31). The two other princes mentioned in the text 
were probably Shah Ali (ante, p. 44), placed on the throne of Kazan 
by Ivan ; and Yedigher Makhmet, a Nogai, who usurped and defended 
it to the last, and who was captured by the Russians in the last 
desperate struggle at the walls. —^aramsin, viii, pp. 99, 187, et passim. 

2 This island, named by Russians " Gostinny" (guests'), was a great 
resort of merchants till Vassili, father of Ivan, forbade his subjects 
from landing there, in order to inconvenience the Tartars, who bought 
salt from Russians. He removed the annual fair to Makarief, on the 
left bank of the Volga, a little way below Nijny Novgorod. To the 
latter town it was afterwards transferred, though continuing to this 


a place where all merchants, as well Eusses and Cazanits, as 
Nagayans and Crymmes, and diners other nations did resort 
to keepe mart for buying and selling, but now it is forsaken, 
and standeth without any such resort thither, or at Gazan, or 
at any place about it, from Mosco vnto Mare Caspium. 

Thus proceeding forward the 14. day, we passed by a goodly 
riuer called Ca^na} which we left on our left hand. This 
riuer falleth out of the countrey of Ferania^ into the riuer 
of Volga, and is from Cazan 15. leagues, and the countrey 
lying betwixt the said Cazan and the said riuer Cama on 
the left hand of Volga is called Vachen? and the inha- 

day, to be called "Makarief fair". {Howorth, pt. ii, p. 390.) Ivan's 
wars were doubtless disastrous to the Levantine trade, which formerly 
passed this way. 

^ The Kama falls into the Volga about fifty miles below Kazan. 
Its course through the Governments of Perm and Viatkais over 1,000 
miles long, much of which is navigable. It is the highway of com- 
munication in summer for the trade with Siberia and the mining dis- 
tricts of the Ural, and may be rightly termed " a goodly river". 

2 Permia has given its name to a series of fossiliferous rocks widely 
distributed through Northern Europe. In ancient times it was known 
as a country inhabited by Finnish tribes, precursors of the Russians, 
the "Biarmar" of Scandinavians, the Permia of Byzantine writers, 
and the Great (Veliki) Perm of Russian annalists. Nestor, in reca- 
pitulating the nations who lived to the east of the Russ, makes men- 
tion of it. The enterprising Novgorodians were the first to enter 
into relations with it, and levied tribute there as early as the eleventh 
century. In the thirteenth century it is mentioned as their dependency 
in treaties with neighbouring Russian princes ; and it was only on the 
fall of Novgorod, in 1471, that Permia was finally united with the 
dukedom of Mosco. Its first Russian colonisers and defenders were 
the Stroganofs, who received grants of land along the Kama. The 
present Government of Perm includes nearly all the more important 
mining districts in the northern Ural. These are grouped round 
Ekaterinburg, perhaps the most progressive and flourishing of Russian 
towns. — Semeonof, art. " Perm". 

3 Vachen, here used for " Votiaken", the country of the Votiaks, a 
Finnish tribe allied with the Cheremissi {supra, p. 24), and among the 
earliest inhabitants of Yiatka and the country to the west, besides parts 
of the Governments of Kazan and Orenburg. The Votiaks, according 
to their own traditions, were settled in the Government of Kazan, near 


bitantes be Gentils, and Hue in the wilJernesse without 
house or habitation : and the countrey on the other side of 
Volga ouer against the said riuer Caifiia is called the land of 
Cheremizes} halfe Gentils, halfe Tartarres, and all the land on 
the left hand of the said Volga from the said riuer vnto 
Astracan, and so following the North and Northeast side of 
the Caspian sea, to a land of the Tartarres called Turkeinen, 
is called the countrey of Mangat or Nagay^ whose inhabi- f'*'^*^ 

the modern town of Arsk, whence they were driven out by the Tar- 
tars. They called themselves " Ot", " Ut", " Ud", or " Udmurt", but 
were known among Tartars as the " Ar"; hence, ethnologists believe 
they may be identified with the "Ara" or " Arini", also a Finnish race, 
anciently inhabiting parts of Northern Siberia, and particularly the 
banks of the Yenisei. These " Ara" are supposed to have given their 
name to the town of Arsk, but are now extinct, their last living 
representative having been seen by Mullen and Gmelin in 1738. The 
Votiaks, however, are numerous to this day in the Goverament of 
Viatka, on the Upper Kama and on the Viatka rivers, and they are 
said still to number 180,000 of both sexes. As regards their early 
history but little definite is really known, except that they fell under 
the sway of the Novgorodians, who, in one of their descents on the 
Volga towards the close of the twelfth century, took their fortress of 
Bolvansky. The Votiaks then retired towards the east, and took up 
their habitations on the River Cheptsa. The Tartar Khan, Sahip, 
partly colonised Kazan with this people in the thirteenth century ; 
and in 1469, Ibrahim formed them into bands for the defence of this 
city against the Russians. In the middle of the sixteenth century, the 
Votiaks living near Arsk rebelled, but were reduced to submission by 
Ivan ; and in his wiU, dated 1572, they are assigned to his heir, together 
with the kingdom of Kazan. As late as 1582, however, they were in 
arms against the Stroganofs ; and their conversion to Christianity did 
not take place till long after Jenkinson's visit. — Semeonof , art. "Voti- 
aki"; Karamsin, viii, p. 215. 

1 On the Cheremissi, see note, p. 24. 

2 The Nogai Tartars derived their name from Nogai, grandson of 
Teval, seventh son of Juchi, the founder of the Golden Horde, and 
eldest son of Jinghiz Khan. On the death of Batu, Nogai com- 
manded the horde of Kipchak, and became so powerful that his alli- 
ance was sought by the Eastern Empire; and Michael Palasologus gave 
him his natural daughter, Euphrosyne, in marriage. About the middle 
of the sixteenth century, the Nogais were restricted to the steppes 


tantes are of the law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in 
the yeere 1558, at my being at Astracan, through ciuill 
warres among them, accompanyed with famine, pestilence, 
and such plagues, in such sort, that in the sayd yeere there 
was consumed of the people, in one sort and another, aboue 
one hundred thousand : the like plague was neuer seene in 
those parts, so that the said countrey of Nagay being a 
countrey of great pasture, remaineth now vnreplenished to 
the great contentation of the Russes, who haue had cruell 
warres a long time together. 

The Nagayans when they florished, liued in this manner : 
they were diuided into diners companies called Hords, and 
euery Hord had a ruler, whom they obeyed as their king, 
and was called a Murse. Towne or house they had none, 
but liued in the open fieldes, euery Murse or King hauing 
Hords. his Hords or people about him, with their wiues, children 
and cattell, who hauing consumed the pasture in one place, 
remooued vnto another : and when they remooue they haue 
houses like tents set vpon wagons or carts, which are drawen 
from place to place with camels, and therin theyr wiues, 
children, and all theyr riches, which is very little, is caried 
about, and euery man hath at the least foure or five wiues 
besides concubines. Use of money they haue none, but doe 
barter theyr cattell for apparell and other necessaries. They 
delight in no arte nor science, except the warres, wherein 
they are expert, but for the most part they be pasturing 

north of the Caspian and Black Seas, though still exercising great 
influence in Southern Russia, and extending their raids to Rezan, and 
even as far as Mosco, as late as the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. Their Khan, Yussaf , renowned as well for his spirit as for his 
wisdom, was styled by the Sultan of Turkey, " Prince of Princes"; 
but the fall of Kazan and Astrakhan, disunion among themselves, 
plagues, and other reverses had weakened them, and they might at this 
time have fallen an easy prey to an energetic conqueror.— 'Semeonof, 
art. "Nogai"; Karamsin, iv, chap. 3; viii, pp. 104, 288; Howorth's Hiftt. 
of the Mongols, part il, passhn. 


people, and haue great store of cattell, which is all theyr 
riches. They eate much flesh, and especially the horse, and 
they drinke mares milke, wherewith they he oftentimes 
drunke: they are seditious and inclined to theft and murther. 
Come they sowe not, neither doe eate any bread, mocking 
the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, 
saying we Hue by eating the toppe of a weede, and drinke 
a drinke made of the same, allowing theyr great deuouring 
of fliesh, and drinking of milke, to be the increase of theyr 
strength. But now to proceed forward to my iourney. 

All the countrey vpon our right hand the riuer Volga, from 
ouer against the riuer Cama vnto the towne of Astracan, is 
the land of Grimme} whose inhabitantes be also of the law 
of Mahomet, and line for the most part according to the 
fashions of the Nagayes, hauing continuall wars with the 
Emperour of Russia, and are valiant in the field, hauing 
countenance, and support from the great Turke. 

The 16. day of lune we passed by certaine fishermens 

^ The Krim, or Crimme Tartars were a constant source of trouble 
and danger to Russia. They poured forth their destructive hosts over 
the plains between the Volga and the Don ; they ravaged every town 
too weak to resist them, and, in 1571, under Devlet Ghirei, set fire to 
Mosco and burnt it to the ground. Sultan Solyman regarded them as 
a bulwark of the Mohanmiadan power on the east, and exhorted them 
to rally round the cause of the Prophet, and, laying aside tribal 
hatreds and jealousies, succour Kazan and Astrakhan. Such was the 
dread inspired by them in Russia, that, when Ivan was on the point of 
setting out with his army against Kazan, his chief nobles implored him 
to remain, representing the danger of leaving his frontiers exposed to 
these invaders. Their power extended to the right bank of the Volga, 
including the modem Governments of Saratof and Simbirsk, and no 
Russian could venture safely east of the Sura, where formerly they 
had freely traded with the ancient kingdom of Bolghar. Long after 
they had ceased to be a source of danger to Russia, remnants of their 
hordes, mixed with Mordvas and outlaws, infested the lower Volga as 
robbers and pirates ; and, as will be seen presently, Jenkinson nar- 
rowly escaped falling into their hands. — Karamsin, viii and ix, 


houses called Fdowse} twentie leagues from the riuer Camay 
where is great fishing for sturgion, and so continuing our 
way vntill the 22. day, and passing by another great riuer 
called Samar^ which falleth out of the aforesayd countrey, 
and runneth through Nagay, and entreth into the sayd riuer 
of Volga. The 28. day we came vnto a great hill,^ where 
was in times past a castle made by the Crimmes, but now it 
is ruined, being the iust midway betweene the sayd Cazan 
and Astrachariy which is 200. leagues or therabout, in the 
latitude of 51. degrees 47. minuts. Vpon all this shore groweth 
abundance of licorish, whose root runneth within the ground 
like a vine. 

Thus going forward, the sixt day of lulie we came to a 

* ** Petowse", doubtless a phonetic rendering for Riboftsi, " fisher- 
men", the Bnssian R and English P being interchangeable ; for there 
is no such place as " Petowse" on the Volga. 

* The Samara rises in the Obschi Syrt, or " general water-parting", 
and after a course of 270 miles, mostly through bare, treeless 
plains, falls into the Volga at the modem town of Samara. These 
plains form part of the highly productive, corn-growing districts 
east of the Volga, celebrated for their loess, or black earth deposits. 
— Semeonof, art. " Samara". 

3 The " great hill" referred to must be that on which Saratof now 
stands, descending in steep terraces to the Volga, and partially 
enclosed in an amphitheatre of hills. Its position, about half-way 
between Kazan and Astrakhan, in lat. 51° 32', accords fairly well with 
the text. But in Jenkinson's time Saratof stood on the left bank of 
the Volga, about seven miles higher up than the present site. It was 
only removed to the right bank in 1 605, probably to the place where 
the Tartar settlement of Sari-tau {i.e., yeUow hill) once stood, and, 
according to Senkofsky, where their chief town Burtassof was situated. 
Christopher Burroughs, who passed here in 1579 on his voyage to 
Persia for the English merchants, speaks of it as Oueak (the Uvek or 
Ucaca of writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries), and gives 
the latitude as 51" SO'. There is a village of this name near Saratof, 
where antiquities and coins have been dug up. Burroughs says there 
were ruins of a castle still visible in his day, and tombstones with 
characters and devices graven on them. He also mentions the abun- 
dance of liquorice. — Hakl., 1589, p. 441 ; Yule's Marco Polo, i, p. 
58 ; Semeonof, art. "Saratof". 

1>EREV0L0G. THE DON. 55 

place called Perouolog} so named because in times past the 
Tartarres carryed their boates from Volga vnto the riuer 
TanaiSy otherwise called Don, by land, when they would 
robbe such as passed downe the sayd Volga to Astracan, and 
also such as passed downe by the riuer Tanais, to Asophe, 
Caffa, or any other towne situated vpon Mare Uuximum, into 
which sea Tanais^ falleth, who hath his springes in the 
countrey of Rezan, out of a plaine ground. It is at this 
streight of Perouolog from the one riuer to the other two 
leagues by land, and is a dangerous place for theeues and 
robbers, but now it is not so euill as it hath beene, by reason 
of the Emperour of Russia, his conquests. 

Departing from Perouolog, hauing the wildernesse on both 
sides, we saw a great heard (sic) of Nagayans, pasturing, as is 
abouesayd, by estimation aboue a thousand cammels drawing 
of carts with houses vpon them like tentes, of a strange 
fashion, seeming to be a farre off a towne^ : that Hord was 

1 Perevolog, Pereuolock of Jenkinson's map (from perevalit, to 
drag across), is the name given to a narrow neck of land between 
the Don and the Volga. The place referred to in the text is a short 
distance from Tsaritsin, the terminus of the Volga-Don railroad, 
where the two rivers approach to within eight miles of one another. 
Christopher Burroughs. mentions Perevolog, and says it was reckoned 
thirty versts (twenty miles) thence to the Don. — Semeonof, art. 
"Perevolog"; HaJcluyt, 1589, p. 441. 

2 The Don rises in Ivan-ozero (i.e., Ivan's lake, also indicated on 
Jenkinson's map), in the Government of Tula. Its source is only 
586 feet above sea level, and it flows through remarkably level plains 
inhabited for the most part by the Cossacks, whose exploits against the 
Tartars were at that time (middle of sixteenth century) becoming 
known in Russia. — Semeonof, art. " Don"; Karamsin^ viii, p. 285 seqq. 

' The manner of moving tents on carts drawn by camels was 
peculiar to those Tartar tribes who led a semi-nomadic life on the 
plains of southern and south-eastern Russia (see Yule's Marco Polo, 
2nd edit., i, 247, where a woodcut is given). Throughout Central 
Asia the universal practice at the present day is to take the tent to 
pieces and pack it on the back of a camel or bullock ; on arriving at 
the destination, it is quickly set up, the women being particularly 
expert at this work. 


belonging to a great Murse called Smille} the greatest prince 
in all Nagay, who hath slaine and driuen away all the rest, 
not sparing his owne brethren and children, and hauing 
peace with this Emperour of Russia he hath what he needeth, 
and ruleth alone, so that now the Eusses Hue in peace with 
the No.gayans, who were woont to haue mortall warres 

The 14. day of luly passing by an olde castle, which was 
Astracan. Q\^q Astvacan^ and leauing it vpon our right hand, we 

1 The title "Murza" is, according to Fischer, derived from the 
Arabic " Amir Zadeh". Ismael, the prince here referred to, was 
brother of Yussuf, father-in-law of Safa Ghirei, the expelled Khan 
of Kazan, and allied by marriage with Shah Ali, Khan of Kassimof, 
(supra, p. 44). Ismael was a warm ally of Russia, helping her in 
her wars against the Krim Tartars and against the Khan of 
Astrakhan. After murdering his brother Yussuf, he wrote to the 
Tsar : " Your enemy is dead, and the people have elected me by 
acclamation." Ivan cultivated these friendly relations, like the 
politic monarch he was, but would not suffer himself to be styled 
"brother" by a Tartar prince. Ismael died in 1563 or 1564. — 
Karamsin, viii, 253 ; Hoioorth, part ii, 1036. 

2 Old Astrakhan (or Stara Astracan of Jenkinson's map), five miles 
above the new town, stood on the right bank, on Sharin hughor 
(hillock). Long before Astrakhan existed, in the third century, 
Atel or Itil, the ancient capital of the Khozars, stood here. Towards 
the close of the sixth century, the town of Balangiar appears to have 
been erected at the mouth of the Volga ; this in its turn gave place, 
at the end of the fourteenth century, to the Mongol city of Tsitracan, 
capital of their kingdom. The Tartars called it Hadji-tarkhan, or 
Adiash'tarkhan ; in Russian MSS. of the thirteenth century it is 
mentioned as Hozitarakan, but was known to the Georgians as 
Khozar. The Venetian envoy Contarini (1476) was the first to 
describe Astrakhan (or Citracan). He speaks of it as a small town 
seventy-five miles from the mouth of the Volga, surrounded by a low 
wall, with a few houses built of bricks, and a trade in spices, which 
were sent to Venice by way of Tana or Azof. 

After the fall of Kazan, Yamgurchei, Khan of Astrakhan, volun- 
tarily submitted to Russia, but he soon afterwards broke his oath of 
fealty, and Ivan sent an army to reduce him to submission. In 1554, 
Astrakhan was taken, but it again rebelled, and was not finally 
annexf'd by Russia till 1557, the yoar before Jenkinson's visit, when 


arriued at New Astracan, which this Emperour of Eicma 
conquered sixe yeeres past, in the yeere 1552. It is from 
the Mosco vnto Astracan sixe hundreth leagues, or there 
about. The towne of Astracan is situated in an Island vpon 
a hill side, hauing a castle within the same, walled about 
with earth and timber, neither fayre nor strong, the towne 
is also walled about with earth : the buildinges and houses 
(except it be the captain es lodging, and certeine other gentle- 
mens) most base and simple. The Island is most destitute 
and barren of wood and pasture, and the ground will beare 
no corne : the ayre is there most infected, by reason (as I 
suppose) of much fishe, and specially sturgion, by which 
onely the inhabitantes Hue, hauing great scarsitie of flesh 
and bread. They hang vp their fish in tlieyr streetes and 
houses to dry for theyr prouision, which causeth such abun- 
dance of flyes to increase there, as the like was neuer seene 
in any land, to their great plague. And at my being at the 
sayd Astracan, there was a great famine and plague among 
the people, and specially among the Tartarres called Nagayans, 
who the same time came thitlier in great numbers to render 
themselues to the Eusses their enemies, and to seeke succour 
at their hands, their countrey being destroyed, as I said 
before : but they were but ill interteined or relieued, for 
there dyed a great number of them for hunger, which lay 
all the Ilande through in heapes dead, and like to beastes, 
vnburyed, very pittifull to beholde ; many of them were also 

it was surrounded by an earthen rampart and palisade, receiving a 
garrison of Streltsi. Since then its history has been eventful. Fire, 
sword, and pestilence have more than once ravaged its buildings and 
decimated its population, and many a bloody scene has been enacted 
within its walls. For nearly two centuries, however, Asti-akhan has 
passed through more peaceful times. It is worthy of remark that, 
although Astrakhan was not finally united with Russia till 1557, Ivan 
took the title of " Tsar of Astrakhan" in all important documents dating 
from 1552. — Semeonof, art. "Astrakhan"; Karamxiu, viii, 248; Hakl. 
8oc., Travels of Venetknis in Persia, pp. 2i>, 147, 151. 


solde by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the 
Island. At that time it had bene an easie thing to haue 
conuerted that wicked Nation to the Christian faith, if the 
Russes themselues had beene good Christians : but how 
should they shew compassion vnto other Nations, when they 
are not mercifull vnto their owne. At my being there I 
could haue bought many goodly Tartars children, if I would 
haue had a thousande, of their owne fathers and mothers, to 
say, a boy or a wench for a loafe of bread worth sixe pence in 
England, but we had more need of victualles at that time 
then of any such merchandize. This Astracan is the furthest 
holde that this Emperour of Russia hath conquered of the 
Tartars towardes the Caspian sea, which hee keepeth very 
strong, sending thither euery yeere prouision of men, and 
victualles, and timber to builde the castle. 

There is a certaine trade of merchandize there vsed, but 
as yet so small and beggerly, that it is not woorth the 
making mention, and yet there come merchantes thither 
from diuers places.^ The chief est commodities that the 

^ The trade of Astrakhan, which Jenkinson found in almost a 
moribund condition, had been much larger in earlier times. Besides 
spices, which went this way to the Adriatic, silk and silken stuffs were 
imported from Transcaucasia and Persia, sheepskins and woven 
cloths from Bokhara and Khiva. Salt, obtained from lakes near the 
Caspian, was among the most valuable of commodities dealt in, being 
sought for by merchants from Mosco. In later times the Russian 
Tsars endeavoured to foster the trade of Astrakhan, with but partial 
success. Alexis Mikhailovitch founded in 1 6 6 7 a company of Armenian 
merchants, and built a vessel to protect them from pirates. In Peter 
the Great's time there were four trading companies, one of which was 
English, but Catherine II abolished all monopolies, and declared the 
trade free. Notwithstanding this enlightened policy, the Astrakhan 
trade, hampered by restrictions in the ports of Persia, did not flourish, 
and it was only within the present century that it took a fresh start. 
The annual exports, consisting chiefly of iron and hardware, amounted 
between 1851 to 1860 to £50,000; the imports, silk, fruits, and 
cotton, to about £90,000; but Astrakhan's foreign trade is much 
exceeded by its transactions with its neighbours on either side — 


Russes bring thither are redde hides, redde sheepe skinnes, 
woodden vessels, bridles, and saddles, kniues, and other 
trifles, with come, bacon, and other victualles. The Tartars 
bring thither diuers kindes of wares made of cotten wooll, 
with diuers kindes of wrought silkes : and they that come 
out of Persia, namely from Shamackie,^ do bring sowing silke, 
which is the coursest that they vse in Russeland, Crasko, 
diuers kindes of pide silkes for girdles, shirts of male, bowes, 
swoords, and such like things : and some yeeres corne, and 
wallnuts, but all such thinges in such small quantitie, the 
merchantes being so beggerly and poore that bring the same, 
that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope 
of trade in all those parts woorth the following. 

This foresaid Island oiAstracan is in length twelue leagues, 
and in bredth three, and lieth East and West in the latitude 
of fortie seuen degrees nine minuts : we tarryed there vntill 
the sixt day of August, and hauing bought and prouided a 
boate in companye with certaine Tartars and Persians, we 
laded our goods, and imbarked our seines, and the same day 
departed I, with the same two Johnsons hauing the whole 
charge of the Nauigation down the said riuer Volga, being 
very crooked, and full of flats towards the mouth thereof. 
We entered into the Caspian sea the tenth day of August at 
the Easterly side of the said riuer, being twentie leagues 

Transcaucasia and the Volga provinces. To the former, corn is shipped 
in large quantities from the Governments of Samara, Simbirsk, and 
Saratof, while these receive in exchange the produce of the Caspian 
fisheries, which are still continued on an extensive scale. The whole 
value of the trade of Astrakhan was estimated in 1860 at twenty-five 
millions of rubles, or about £4,000,000. Another striking feature of 
Astrakhan are its gardens, producing water melons in enormous quan- 
tities. These are shipped in large lighters to the towns on the Upper 
Volga. — Semeonof, art. "Astrakhan". 

^ The silk of Shemakha (see p. 131) was at one time considered 
the best iu Persia, and its manufacture was the chief occupation of 
the inhabitants. But the miserable state of the country, owing to 
wars, interfered with the silk industry, and closed many of the 
factories.— Semeonof, art. " Shemakha". 


from Astracan aforesaid, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees 
twentie seuen minuts.^ 

Volga hath seuentie mouthes^ or falles into the sea : and 
we hauing a large winde, kept the Northeast shoare, and 
the eleuenth day we sailed seuen leagues Eastnortheast, 
and came vnto an Island hauing an high hill therein, called 
Acmrgar? a, good marke in the sea. From thence East ten 
leagues, we fell with another Island called Bawhyata* much 
higher then the other. Within these two Islands to the 
Northwards, is a great bay called the Blew sea.^ From 
thence we sayled East and by North tenne leagues, and 
hauing a contrary winde, we came to an anker in a fathom 
water, and so ridde vntill the fifteenth day, hauing a great 
storme at Southeast, being a most contrary winde, which we 
ridde out. Then the winde came to the North, and we 
weyed, and set our course Southeast, and that day sayled 
eight leagues. 

Thus proceeding forwards, the seuenteenth day we lost 
sight of land, and the same day sailed thirtie leagues, and 
the eighteentli day twentie leagues winding East, and fell 

* The delta of the Volga begins about thirty miles above Astrakhan, 
where the Buzan, a large arm, leaves the main river on the left side. 
Two miles and a half above this town, the Balda, another channel, 
separates from the Volga, and at Astrakhan itself a third arm, the 
Kutum, diverges. From this point navigation becomes difficult, 
owing to the numerous channels which intersect the delta in all 
directions, shallows and sand banks caused by the ever-shifting 

'^ The mouths of the Volga are variously estimated at between 80 
and 200, but they are so continually changing that no correct idea can 
be formed of their number. — Semeonof, art. " Volga". 

3 Doubtless Ak-Kurghan (i.e., white hill). The terminology of the 
Caspian has completely changed since Russian Cossacks gave new 
names to islands, bays, and promontories, discarding Tartar appel- 

'* On Jenkinson's map, Boghnata. 

^ The S'lnye Mortso {i.e., little blue sea) of Russian maps, a wide 
bay to the north-east of the Volga estuary. 


with a land called Buvyhleata} being seuentie foure leagues Baughiiata. 
from the mouth of the foresayd Volga, in the latitude of 
fortie sixe degrees fiftie foure minuts, the coast lying neerest 
East and by South, and West and by North. At the poynt 
of this land lyeth buryed a.holye Prophet, as^the Tartars 
call him, of theyr lawe, where great deuotion is vsed of all 
such Mahometistes as doe passe that waye.^ 

The nineteenth day the winde being West, and we winding 
Eastsoutheast, we sailed tenne leagues, and passed by a 
great riuer called Yahe? which hath his spring in the lande 
of Siberia, nigh vnto the foresayd riuer Cama, and runneth 
through the land of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. 
And vp this riuer one dayes iourney is a towne called Sera- serachike. 

^ This name appears on Jenkinson's map as Bagthiar, and is probably 
indicated by Boghata Kultuk (gulf) and Tourjinkoi Boughau, on 
French map 1:500,000, ten leagues west of the mouth of the Ural. 
The text speaks of a country, not of any particular point of 

2 For several of these graves cf. Khanikof 's map of the Inner Horde. 

' The Yaik or Ural rises on the northern slopes of Mount Iremel. 
one of the highest points in the Ural chain, near the borders of Western 
Siberia and the Government of Orenburg; a left tributary of the 
Kama, the Bielaia (white) river, has its sources in the same group of 
mountains. Jenkinson is therefore so far correct in his hydrography. 
The Ural is historically an interesting river. On its banks adventurous 
Cossacks from the Don founded a settlement towards the end of the 
sixteenth century. Here they served Russia as a frontier guard, and 
were rewarded by the concession of certain rights and privileges, of 
which they were very tenacious. Here they grew and multiplied, con- 
stantly engaged in fighting remnants of Tartar hordes, who roamed 
over the vast steppes beyond the border, and extending their raids 
even as far as Khiva. Here, too, was the scene of Pugachof 's revolt, 
in which Yaik Cossacks, discontented at losing their privileges, joined. 
In order to wipe out all recollection of these events, Catherine II 
changed their name, as well as that of the river, from " Yaik" to 
" Ural." The Ural waters the country of the Bashkirs, and forms the 
the S.E. limit of the Government of Orenburg. On its right are the 
Volga plains ; on its left, the boundless steppe where the wild Kirghiz 
pasture their flocks and herds. — Hist, of Pugachof 's Revolt^ Pushkin, 
part I. 


chicke} subiect to the aforesayd Tartar prince called Murse 
Smille, which is now in friendshippe with the Eraperour of 
Eussia. Heere is no trade of merchandize* vsed, for that the 
people haue no vse of money, and are all men of warre, and 
pasturers of cattell, and giuen much to theft and murther. 
Thus being at an anker against this riuer Yake, and all our 
men being on lande, sauing I, who laye sore sicke, and fine 
Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because hee 
came from Mecka, there came vnto vs a boate with thirtie 
men well armed and appoynted, who boorded vs, and beganne 
to enter into our barke, and our holy Tartar called Azy,^ 
perceiuing that, asked them what they would haue, and 
withall made a prayer : with that these rouers stayed, declar- 
ing that they were Gentlemen, banished from theyr countrey, 
and out of liuing,^ and came to see if there were any Busses 
or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our barke : 
to whom this Azie most stoutly answered, that there were 
none, auowing the same by great othes of their lawe, (which 
lightly they will not breake) whom the rouers beleeued, and 

* Saraichik (" The Little Palace"), about forty miles up the Ural, was 
visited in 1338 by Pascal of Vittoria, a Franciscan monk. He went 
there by water in twelve days from Sarai on the Volga. Saraichik 
was, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, the head quarters of 
the Nogai Tartars, and Prince Ismael, as may be inferred from 
the text, had his residence there. The ruins of this town were 
seen by Pallas in 1769, and bricks of which it was built were used in 
building the town of Gurief and neighbouring Cossack stations. — 
Cathay and the Way Thither, Hakl. Soc, pp. 234, 287, 288; 
Semeonof , aft. " Saraichikofskaia stanitsa" ; Aralo-Kaspian Exp. 
Bogdanqf, pt. I, p. 4. 

2 " Azy" is evidently intended for "Hadji", a title given to Muham- 
medan pilgrims to Mecca. 

3 These "banished gentlemen" were probably usurpers or defeated 
rivals and enemies of reigning Khans. Having fled for safety to the 
steppe, they supported themselves and their followers in the best way 
they could. " Caphars", evidently from the Arabic Kdfer, an un- 
believer, i.e., in Muhammed. The incident is curious, as Jenkinson 
and his party were passed off by the Hadji as good Mussulmans. — C. 



vpon his wordes departed. And so through the fidelitie of 
that Tartar, I with all my companie and goods were saued, 
and our men being come on boorde, and the winde faire, wee 
departed from that place, and winding East and So\itheast, 
that day being the second of August sailed 16. leagues. 

The 21. day wee passed ouer a bay of 6. leagues broade,^ 
and fell with a Cape of land, hauing two Islands at the 
Southeast part thereof, being a good marke in the sea : and 
doubling that Cape the land trended Northeast, and maketh 
another bay, into which falleth the great riuer Yem,^ spring- 
ing out of the land of Colmacke. countrie of 
The 22. 23. and 24. dayes, we were at an ancre.^ 
The 25. the winde came faire, and we sailed that day 20. 
leagues, and passed by an Island of low land,* and there 
about are many flats and sands : and to the Northward of 

^ Probably the wide but shallow bay of Biely (white) Ilmen, east of 
the mouths of the Ural. Further east, low, flat spits of land follow 
in succession, running far out to sea, partly below, partly above the 
surface of the water. In comparing Jenkinson's narrative with modem 
surveys of the Caspian, it should be remembered that upwards of three 
centuries have intervened, and that the gradual desiccation which has 
been going on throughout this time has wrought a great change in 
the configuration of the northern and north-eastern shallow coasts of 
this sea. 

2 The estuary of the Emba is in 46° 30' N. lat. This river is now 
lost in the sand long before reaching the Caspian. How long ago its 
mouth was desiccated it is impossible to say, for the oldest fishermen 
have no traditions of an outfall here into the sea, and a dense growth 
of reeds now covers its estuary. The Emba rises in 49° N. lat. in the 
southern offshoots of the Ural range, a country formerly inhabited 
by Kalmuks, but now comprised in the territory of the Kirghiz of 
the Lesser Horde, and included for administrative purposes in the 
Turgai district of the Government of Orenburg. — Semeonof, art. 
"Emba"; Euss. Survey of Caspian, 1875, p. 30. 

3 Off the mouth, or what had been the mouth, of the Emba. 

* Perhaps Lebiaji (Swan), one of the numerous low, sandy islands 
off the entrance to Mertvi Kultuh (i.e., dead gulf), the " great bay" 
of the text. Near the end of this island the coast has a south-westerly 
direction, and forms, with Busatchi peninsula, Kaulak inlet. 


this Island there goeth in a great bay, but wee set off from 
this Island, and winded South to come into deepe water, 
being much troubled with shoalds and flats, and ranne that 
course 10. leagues, then East Southeast 20. leagues, and fel 
with the maine land, being full of copped hils, and passing 
along the coast 20. leagues, the further we sailed, the higher 
was the land. 

The 27. day we crossed ouer a bay/ the Southshoare being 
the higher land, and fell with a high point of land: and 
being ouerthwart the Cwpe, there rose such a stornie at the 
East, that we thought verily we should haue perished : this 
storme continued 3. dayes. From this Ca'pe we passed to a 
port called Mangodaue,? The place where wee should haue 
arriued at the Southermost part of the Caspian Sea, is 12. 
leagues within a bay : but wee being sore tormented, and 
tossed with this foresaid storme, were driuen vnto another 
land on the other side the bay, ouerthwart the said Man- 
goslaue being very lowe land, and a place as well for the ill 

* Probably Koshak Bay, formed by Busatchi and Mangishlak penin- 
sulas. The bay is eighteen miles long and about seven miles wide 
at its entrance. Its north shore is low, clayey, and flat, being hardly 
nine feet above the sea, whilst on the south it is bordered by a chain 
of hills intersected by two or three small ravines and a wide valley. 
Near the entrance to Koshak Bay, east of the promontory, was 
formerly the port of Mangishlak. — Russ. Survey of Caspian, pp. 
35, 37. 

* "Mangishlak", composed of two words, Mangu and Kishlak, signi- 
fying the village or abode of the Mangyt or Nogai Tartars, is the 
name of a peninsula on the east coast of the Caspian. The port 
here was the point of departure for caravans of Russian traders 
bound for Khiva, and for a long while Fort Novo-Alexandrofsk, 
erected on this peninsula, served Russia as a foothold in Turkoman 
territory, and a base for military operations. More recently, as her 
influence extended further south, other points on the east coast were 
found more suitable for these purposes, and the fort lost much of 
its importance. It will be remembered that Lomakin's detachment 
marched from this place against Khiva in 1873, and the name is still 
retained as that of a large military district. 


commoditie of the hauen, as of those bruite tielde people, 
where neuer barke nor boate had before arriued, not liked 
of us. 

But yet here we sent certaine of our men to lande to talke 
with the gouernour and people,^ as well for our good vsage at 
their handes, as also for prouision of camels to carry our 
goods from the saide sea side to a place called Sellyzure? 
being from the place of our landing fine and twentie dayes 
iourney. Our messengers returned with comfortable wordes 
and faire promises of all things. 

Wherefore the 3. day of September 1558. wee discharged 
our barke, and I with my companie were gently intertained 
of the Prince, and of his people.^ But before our departure 
from thence, wee founde them to bee very badde and brutish 
people, for they ceased not dayly to molest vs, either by 
fighting, stealing or begging, raysing the prise of horse and 
camels, and victuals double, that the wont was there to bee, 
and forced vs to buy the water that wee did drinke : which 
caused vs to hasten away, and to conclude with them as 
well for the hier of camels, as for the price of such as 
wee bought, with other prouision, according to their owne 
demaunde : So that for euery camels lading being but 400. 

^ Jenkinson does not say who this " people" were, but they may be 
assumed to have been Turkomans ; and the " governor" mentioned 
in the text must be understood to mean " elder" {aksakal), the only 
persons whose authority is recognised by them. — Vesselof sky's Hist. 
Notes on Khiva, p. 112, note. 

2 See infra, p. 69. 

3 Travellers have often spoken of the bad faith and predatory habits 
of the Turkomans. Major (now General) Abbott, after living 
among them for several months, was attacked and severely wounded, 
narrowly escaping with his life. Major Shakespear took an unfavour- 
able view of their character, as did also Muravief. The late Mr. 
O'Donovan's experiences were better ; but it should be remembered, 
in his case, that he was looked upon as the only man who could help 
them in their necessities against Russia. — Herat to Khiva, by Major 
James Abbott, vol. i, passim ; Muravief s Travels, Russian edit., p. 34 ; 
The Merv Oasis, by E. O'Donovan, passim. 


waight of ours, wee agreed to giue three hides of Russia, 
and foure wodden dishes, and to the Prince or gouernour of 
the saide people one ninth and two seuenths,^ Namely, 9. 
seuerall things, and twise 7. seuerall things : for money they 
vse none. 

And thus being readie, the foureteenth of September wee 
departed from that place, being a Garauan of 1000. camels. 
And hauing trauailed fiue dayes iourney, wee came to another 
Princes Dominion, and vpon the way there came vnto vs 
certaine Tartars a horsebacke, being well armed, and 
s'eruants vnto the said Prince called Timor Soltan^ gouernour 
of the said Countrey of Mangoslaue, where we ment to haue 
arriued and discharged our barke if the great storme afore- 
said had not disappointed. These foresaid Tartars stayed 
our Garauan in the name of their prince, and opened our 
wares, and tooke such things as they thought best for their 
said prince without money, but for such things as they tooke 
from me, which was a ninth, (after much dissension) I ridde 
vnto the same Prince, and presented my selfe before him, 
requesting his fauour, and pasport to trauaile through his 
countrey, and not to be robbed nor spoiled of his people : 
which request he graunted me, and intertained me very 
gently, commanding mee to be well feasted with flesh and 
mares milke: for bread they vse none, nor other drinke 
except water : but money he had none to give mee for such 
things as hee tooke of mee, which might bee of value in 
Busse money, fifteene rubbles, but hee gaue mee his letter, 
and a horse worth seuen rubbles. And so I departed from 
him being glad that I was gone : for hee was reported to bee 

* They gave the prince nine several things and twice seven several 
things, the numbers nine and seven being considered lucky. — 
Vesselofshyy note, p. 112 ; cf. Abulghazi, p. 228. 

2 Timour Sultan, brother of Hadjim Khan, received as his share, on 
a division of his father's heritage in 1557, half the town of Khiva 
and the Kara-Bakaul Turkomans. — Hist, des Moguls et Tartars, par 
Abul Ghazi Khan, Desmaison, p. 256; Vesselofsh/, note, p. 113. 


a very tyrant, and if I had not gone vnto him, I vnderstoode 
his commaundement was, that I should haue bene robbed 
and destroyed. 

This Soltan liued in the fieldes without Castle or towne, 
and sate at my being with him, in a little rounde house 
made of reedes couered without with felt, and within with 
Carpets. There was with him the great Metropolitan^ of that 
wilde Countrey, esteemed of the people, as the bishop of Rome 
is in most parts of Europe, with diuers other of his chiefe 
men: the Soltan with this Metropolitan, demanded of me 
many questions, as wel touching our kingdoms, iawes, and 
Religion, as also the cause of my comming into those parts, 
with my further pretence. To whom I answered concerning 
all things, as vnto me seemed best, which they tooke in good 
part. So hauing leaue I departed and overtooke our Caraiian, 
and proceeded on our iourney, and trauailed 20. dayes in the 
wilderness from the sea side without seeing towne or habita- 
tion, carying prouision of victuals with vs for the same time, 
and were driuen by necessitie to eate one of my camels and 
a horse for our part, as other did the like, and during the said 
20. dayes we found no water, but such as we drewe out of 
olde deepe wells, being very brackish and salt, and yet some- 
times passed two or three dayes without the same. And the 
5.2 day of October ensuing, we came vnto a gulphe of the 
Caspian sea againe, where wee founde the water very fresh 
and sweete : at this gulphe the customers of the king of 
Turkeman met vs, who tooke custom e of euery 25. one, and 
7. ninthes^ for the saide king and his brethren, which being 

^ By " Metropolitan" must be understood the Sheik ul Islam, or 
some other great dignitary of the Mohammedan world. The title is 
repeated afterwards in speaking of Bokhara (see p. 83). 

2 Probably a misprint for 3, as they departed on the 4th. (See 

' An error has crept in here, probably owing to the ignorance of the 
transcriber of Central Asian manners. " Seven" and " nine" were, as 
we have remarked (note p. 66), the lucky numbers ; the tax, therefore. 


receiued tliey departed, and we remained there a day after 
to refresh ourselues. 

Note that in times past there did fal into this gulfe^ y® 
great riuer Oxus, which hath his springs in the mountaines 
of Paraponisits in India} and now commeth not so farre, but 
falleth into another riuer called Ardocke, \j\\\q\\ runneth 
towards the North, and consumeth himself in the ground, 
passing vnder ground aboue 1000.^ miles, and then issueth 
out againe and falleth into the lake of Kiihay. 

We hauing refreshed ourselues at the foresaide gulfe, 

departed thence the 4. day of October, and the 7. day arriued 

Iha^T?' ^^ ^^ ^ Castle called Sellizure, where the king (called Azim 

CanV remained with 3. other of his brethren, and the 9. day 

levied in this instance was one in twenty-five, or four per cent., and 
in addition, as presents for the Sultan and his brethren, seven several 
things and nine several things. — VesselofsJcy, note on p. 116. 

^ The early commentators of Jenkinson were sorely puzzled with 
this " gulf", and decided that it must have been Kara bugaz, to which 
they were obliged to give a much greater extension eastward than it 
ever attained. Recent surveys have completely dispelled these erro- 
neous conclusions, in showing that the "fresh-water" gulf reached by 
Jenkinson on the 14th September was no gulf at all, but Lake Sari- 
Kamish, at that time united with the Amu daria, and occupying a 
far more extensive area than at present. Even at this day an 
occasional overflow from the Oxus finds its way into Lake Sari- 
Kamish. (See infra, p. 74, note.) 

2 Paraponisi montes of Jenkinson's map, Paroponisus of Ptol., Bk. 
VI, cap. xi, the modem Hindu Kush. — C. 

3 In Hakluyt, 1598, f. 329, these figures are corrected to 500. 
Later on, he writes that the Ardocke flows out of the Oxus. (See 
infra, p. 74.) 

* This individual has been identified with Hadjim Khan (in Russian 
MSS. his name is spelt Azim Can). Hadji Muhammed Khan, or 
Hadjim Khan, son of Ogotai, was raised to the throne, or, strictly 
speaking, to the White Carpet, in 965 of the Hegira (a.d. 1568), at the 
age of 39, and reigned till 1602. He had five brothers : Mahmud Sul- 
tan, Pulad Sultan, Timur Sultan, AUa-Kuli Sultan, and Suleiman 
Sultan. Hadjim Khan received as his appanage the town of Vezir, 
while Alia Sultan had Urgendj, Kat, and Hazarasp. — Vesselofsky^ pp. 
110-116; Abulghazi, p. 263. 


I was commaunded to come before his presence, to whome I 
deliuered the Emperours letters of Russia : and I also gaue 
him a present of a ninthe, who entertained me very well, and 
caused mee to eate in his presence as his brethren did, feast- 
ing me with flesh of a wilde horse, and mares milke without 
bread. And the next day sent for mee againe, and asked of 
me diuers questions, as well touching the affaires of the 
Emperour of Russia, as of our Countrey and lawes, to which 
I answered as I thought good : so that at my departure he 
gaue me his letters of safe conduct. 

This Castle of Sellizure^ is situated vpon an high hill, where 
the king called the Can lyeth, whose palace is built of earth 
very basely, and not strong : the people are but poore, and 
little trade of marchandise among them. The South part of 
this Castle is lowe lande, but j^ery fruitfull, where growe 
many good fruites, among which there is one called a Dynie^ 
of a great bignesse and full of moysture, which the people 
doe eate after meate in steade of drinke. Also there growes 
another fruite called a Carbuse of the bignesse of a great 
cucumber, yellow and sweete as sugar : also a certaine corne, 
called legur^ whose stalke is much like a sugar cane, and as 

1 This "castle", or fortified town, of Sellizure (Shayzure on Jen- 
kinson's map) has been identified with Shahr, or Shehr Vezir (Shahr 
signifying town), now marked by the ruins of Deri Kesken. These 
ruins stand on the southern skirt of the Ust Urt upland, overlooking 
an extensive level plain, marked by traces of former irrigation. They 
are about three days' march from the west shore of Lake Sari-Kamish, 
and the same distance from Kunia Urgendj. Baron Kaulbars visited 
them recently. — Kaulbars, in Zapiski, J. R. G. S., jx, p. 447. 

2 There is an error here ; dynie are sweet melons. Arbuze (in 
Little Russian dialect carhuze or garhuze) are water melons. Kwarezm 
was always famed for its melons, which ripen a month earlier than do 
thotc ot Uokhara. One kind, with green rind and firm, yellow flesh, 
was fajmtrly prepared by cutting into slices and drying in the sun, 
and was then exported to India, and even to China. — Vesselofsky, 
p. 117; Lerch, p. 41 ; De Goeje, p. 30; BahVa Diet., herch's Khiva, p. 38. 

3 Holcuis Sonjhum, known also as Djugara, or Sorgho, is one of the 
most largely cultivated and useful plants of Central Asia, where it 



high, and the graine like rice, which groweth at the toppe of 
the cane like a cluster of grapes : the water that seiaieth all 
that Countrey is drawen by diches out of the riuer Oxus, 
vnto the great destruction of the said riuer, for which cause 
it falleth not into the Caspian sea as it hath done in times 
past, and in short time all that lande is like to be destroyed, 
and to become a wildernes for want of water, when the riuer 
of Oxus shall faile.* 

The 14 day of the moneth we departed from this Castle 
of Sellizure, and the 16. of the same we arriued at a citie 
called Vrgense,^ where we payde custome as well for our 
owne heads, as for our camels and horse. And hauing there 
soiourned one moneth, attending the time of our further 
trauaile, the king of that Countrey called Aly Soltani^ brother 
to the fore named Azym Can, returned from a towne called 
Corozan within the borders of Persia, which hee lately had 
conquered from the Persians, with whome hee and the 
rest of the kings of Tartaria have continuall warres. 
Before this king also I was commaunded to come, to 
whome I likewise presented the Emperours letters of 

grows to a height of ten feet. When ground into flour, sorgho serves 
as food for man ; horses eat the grain as readily as barley, cattle feed 
upon its green stalks, and sheep on its leaves. When dried, the straw 
makes excellent fuel. A field of sorgho, carefully manured and irri- 
gated, will yield from 50 to 160-fold. — Kostenko, pt. iii, p. 20. 

1 Jenkinson's words were prophetic. The environs of Vezir have 
literally become a wilderness, and nothing is left of the town but some 

^ Jenkinson distinguishes between Urgendj and Sellizure, calling the 
latter a " castle", the former a city or town, as though it were the 
more important place of the two ; but Sellizure (i.e., Vezir) was the 
residence of Hadjim Khan, and therefore the capital, while Urgendj, 
more centrally situated and larger, might easily have been mistaken 
for the principal town. — Vesselo/sky, note, p. 11. 

8 Ali Sultan frequently made raids into Khorassan, the province ; 
there is no town of this name (Vesselofsky, p. 117, note). On some 
old maps, however, the name appears with reference to a town, and 
on Jenkinson's, Corassan parva and magna occur. — C. 


Russia, and he intertained me well, and demaunded of 
me diuers questions, and at my departure gaue me his 
letters of safe conduct. 

This Citie or towne of Vrgence^ standeth in a plaine ground, 
with walles of earth, by estimation 4. miles about it. The 
buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined and out of 
good order : it hath one long streete that is couered aboue, 
which is the place of their market. It hath bene wonne and 

^ Urgendj, now known as Kunia (Old) Urgendj, became the capital of 
Kwarezm after Vezir was no longer habitable, and long before Khiva 
rose to be the principal city of the Khanat. Urgendj owed its first 
foundation to the Arabs, shortly after their invasion of this country. 
They took Fil, a town on the right bank of the Jihun, or Oxus, 
mentioned by historians under the name of El Manzura, a name by 
which it came afterwards to be known. But the river, ever encroach- 
ing on its right bank and undermining their town, caused its inhabitants 
to remove to the opposite bank and build a new town, which they 
called Urgendj, or Gurgandj. Dimeshaki, an Arab geographer of the 
fourteenth century, describes it as nothing more than a village at first, 
but afterwards a town known among Arabs as El-Djordjaniya. Ibn 
Batuta proceeded thither from Saraichik, accomplishing the distance 
in thirty days. Down to the middle of the sixteenth century, or a few 
years antecedent to Jenkinson's visit, Urgendj continued to be a place 
of importance. A caravan road connected it with the Caspian at 
Balkhan Bay,the Oxus flowed past its walls, and according to Abulghazi, 
fields, vineyards, and gardens continued uninterruptedly on either 
bank as far as the Caspian, into which this river then discharged, the 
riparian districts being inhabited by Turkomans of the Adakli-Khizir, 
Ali, and Tivedji tribes. But about 1575 the Amu daria worked a new 
channel for itself opposite the tower of Khast, at a place named Kara 
Uighur Tukai, and flowed towards the fortress of Tuk, debouching into 
the Aral, called by Abulghazi Sea of Syr, probably at Aibughir Bay. 
Owing to this change, the neighbourhood of Urgendj became in course 
of time a wilderness, though for many years after the event recorded 
took place, and even when Urgendj itself was deserted by its popula- 
tion, crops were sown and harvested in the fruitful tracts, fertilised 
by the overflow of summer floods, and the Khan with his followers 
would, at certain seasons, takes up his abode near Urgendj, and 
superintend harvesting operations. Tuk lay north of KhAst, and 
north-east of Urgendj, at a distance of a few hours' ride. — Abulghazi, 
p. 221. 


lost 4. times within 7. yeeres by ciuill wanes/ by meanes 
whereof there are but fewe marchants in it, and they very 
poore, and in all that towne I could not sell aboue 4. carseis. 
The chiefest commodities there solde, are such wares as come 
from Boghar, and out of Persia, but in most small quantitie 
not worth the writing. All the land from the Caspian sea to 
this Citie of Vrgence, is called the lande of Turkeman, and is 
subiect to the saide Azim Can, and his brethren which be 
6. in nomber,^ and one of them hath the name of the chiefe 
king called Can, but he is litle obeyed sauing in his owne 
Dominion, and where hee dwelleth: for euery one will be 
king of his owne portion, and one brother seeketh alwayes to 
destroy another, hauing no natural loue among them, by 
reason that they are begotten of diuers women,^ and com- 
monly they are the children of slaues, either Christians or 
Gentiles, which the father doeth keepe as concubines, and 
euery Can or Sultan, hath at the least 4. or 5. wiues, besides 
yong maydens and boyes, lining most viciously, and when 
there are warres betwixt these, brethren, (as they are seldome 
without) hee that is ouercome if hee be not slaine, flieth to 
the fielde with such companie of men as will folio we him, and 
there liueth in the wildernesse resorting to watering places, 
and so robbeth and spoyleth as many Carauans of Marchants 
and others as they be able to ouercome, continuing in this 
sort his wicked life, vntill such time as hee may get power 
and ayde to inuade some of his brethren againe. From the 
Caspian sea vnto the castle of Sellizur aforesaid, and all the 
Countreis about the said sea, the people Hue without towne 
or habitation in the wilde fieldes, remoouing from one place 
to another in great companies with their cattle, whereof they 

1 These civil wars were probably fought between Ali Sultan and 
his brothers. 

'^ See ante, note, p. 68. 

^ Two sons, Hadjim and Mahmud, were born of one mother, and 
two. Pulad and Timur, of another. — A hulfjhazi, p. 253. 


have great store, as camels, horses, and sheepe both tame and 
wilde. Their sheepe are of great stature with great buttockes, 
waying 60. or 80. pound in waight.^ There are many wilde 
horses, which the Tartars doe many times kill with their 
haukes, and that in this order. 

The haukes are lured to sease vpon the beastes neckes or 
heads, which with chasing of themselves and sore beating of 
the haukes are tired : then the hunter folowing his game, 
doeth slay the horse with his arrowe or sword.^ In all this 
lande there groweth no grasse, but a certaine brush or heath 
whereon the cattell feeding, become very fat. 

The Tartars neuer ride without their bowe, arrowes,^ and 
sword, although it be on banking, or at any other pleasure, 
and they are. good archers both on horsebacke, and on foote 
also. These people haue not the vse of golde, siluer, or any 
other coyne, but when they lacke apparell or other neces- 
saries, they barter their cattell for the same. Bread they 
haue none, for they neither till nor sow, they be great 
deuourers of flesh, which they cut in small pieces, and eate 
it by handfuls most greadily, & especially the horse flesh. 
Their chiefest drinke is mares milke soured, as I haue said 
before of the Nagayans^ and they wilbe drunke with the 

^ Sheep are to this day the chief source of livelihood to the inhabi- 
tant of Turkestan ; indeed, his existence is mainly dependent upon 
them. A bad winter, with scarcity of fodder, followed by a late 
spring, reduces his stock to so low an ebb, that their owner is sensibly 
impoverished ; favourable seasons, on the other hand, with abundance 
of grass, afford him plenty. Immense flocks of sheep, large herds of 
horses, and a good many camels, are the chief wealth of the Kirghiz 
of the present day. 

2 Hawking continues to be a favourite pastime among the Kirghiz 
in Turkestan. For hunting large game, such as deer, they train the 
harkiit, or golden eagle, to seize upon the prey in the manner de- 
scribed in the text. — Cf. Yule's Marco Polo, 2nd edit., i, pp. 385, 386. 

•^ Bows and arrows; however, have yielded to the superior attrac- 
tions of the more deadly matchlock gun, and Russian silver pieces 
are beginning to pass as currency among them. 

' Cf. page .53. 


same : they have no riuers nor places of water in this 
countrey, vntil you come to the foresaid gulfe, distant from 
the place of our lading 20. dayes iourney, except it be in 
wels, the water whereof is saltish, & yet distant the one 
from the other two dayes iourney and more. They eate 
their meate vpon the ground, sitting with their leggs double 
vnder them, and so also when they pray. Arte or science 
they haue none, but Hue most idlely, sitting round in 
great companies in the fields, deuising, and talking most 

The 26. day of Nouember, wee departed from the towne of 
Vrgence, and hauing trauailed by the riuer Oxus 100. mile, 
we passed ouer another great riuer called Ardocke, where we 
paid a certaine petie custome. This riuer Ardocke^ is great, 

1 This description of the Tartars may serve at the present day as a 
true picture of the manner in which the semi-nomadic tribes peopUng 
the steppes of Central Asia pass their time, except where they have 
fallen under the immediate influence of Russian masters. 

2 This "Ardock" was long a puzzle to commentators till recent 
surveys in the Amu daria delta threw new light on the subject, and 
elucidated the fact that the great and swiftly flowing river crossed by 
Jenkinson was none other than the Amu daria. Possibly Ardok was 
his rendering of Taldyk (straight) or Talryk, the local name of its 
western and oldest arm as it flowed north of Kunia Urgendj into the 
Aral Sea. Jenkinson's " Oxus", along which he travelled 100 miles, is 
the Kunia darm (old river) or daria lyk, joining the Amu daria oppo- 
site Sheikh- Abbas- Ali, and representing the Caspian arm of this river, 
which in his time had ceased to flow continuously into Lake Sari- 
Kamish. The Aral Sea is conspicuous by its absence both from text 
and map, evidently proving that our traveller was under the influence 
of erroneous ideas prevalent in Western Europe on the geography of 
these countries ; for though Ptolemy and his copyists inserted on their 
maps an Oxianus lacus about the place where one would look for the 
Aral, they gave no relative importance to it, and made all their rivers 
debouch in the Caspian, while sixteenth century cartographers, such as 
Wied, completely ignored its existence. (Cf. Kaulbars, pp. 446-448 ; 
Herbert Wood, pp. 150, 236 ; Ptolemy, Bk. vi, chap, xii ; and Septima 
Asia Tabula, edit, of 1513 ; also maps of Marino Sanuto 1320, Mar- 
telH 1495, and Wied 1555.)— C. 


and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing 
about 1000. mile to the Northward, it then consumeth it selfe 
in the ground, and passing vnder the same about 500. mile, 
issueth out againe and falleth into the lake of Kitay, as I 
haue before declared.^ 

The 7. of December folowing wee arriued at a Castle called 
Kait^ subiect to a Soltan, called Saramet Soltan^ who ment 
to haue robbed all the Christians in the Carauan, had it not 
bene for feare of his brother the king of Vrgence, as we were 
informed by one of his chiefest counsailers, who willed vs 
to make him a present, which he tooke, and deliuered : 

1 Ante, p. 68. 

2 Kath (Cante of Jenkinson's map) stood on the Yarmish canal, 
probably near the site of the modern Kait, or Ket. It was mentioned 
by El-Biruni, an Arab writer of the eleventh century, whose birth- 
place was not far off, and he says it lay immediately on the left bank 
of the Jihun, or Oxus. An old river channel has been traced north 
of Kait in a strip of what is now sandy waste, running towards the 
north-west, south of the little town of Gurlen. This was probably 
the course of the Oxus in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and here 
Kath of ancient days must have stood on the right bank of this old 
river bed, south of Gurlen. At present the Amu daria is about 
twelve miles distant from Kait, and only approaches its old channel 
near Gurlen, when it sweeps to the right with that tendency to under- 
mine its right bank which is so noticeable a feature in this river. 
These particulars are derived from M. Lerch's pamphlet on the 
history and geography of Khiva. This author himself visited 
Khiva and studied the subject on the spot. He adds that Timur, 
in 1372, undertook several campaigns against Kwarezm, marching 
thither from Samarkand, and reaching the Jihun above Kath, at 
a place named Se-piye, where he in all probability crossed to 
the left bank. One of the first places he took was Kath. On his 
further march thence against Urgendj, mention is made of the Gurlen 
canal, as though the Amu daria flowed east of Kath and Gurlen as it 
does now; but this was evidently not its course in Jenkinson's time, two 
centuries later. Ibn Batuta, who travelled to Urgendj in 1340, about 
thirty years before Timur 's first expedition, passed through Kath, and 
found it the only town on the road to Bokhara. — Lerch, pp. 20-21. 

3 Vesselofsky suggests that perhaps Suleiman Sultan, brother of 
Hadjim Khan, may be the person here mentioned. — Veaselofshj, 
p. 102. 


besides we paide at the saide Castle for custome, of euery 
camel one red hide of Russia, besides petie gifts to his 

Thus proceeding in our iourney, the tenth day at night 
being at rest, and our watche set, there came vnto us foure 
horsemen, which we tooke as spies, from whome wee tooke 
their weapons and bound them, and hauing well examined 
them, they confessed that they had scene the tract of many 
horsemen, and no footing of camels, and gaue vs to vnder- 
stande, that there were rouers and theeues abroade : for there 
trauaile fewe people that are true and peaceable in that 
Countrey, but in companie of Carauan, where there be many 
camels, and horsefeeting newe without camels were to be 
doubted. Whereupon we consulted & determined amongst 
our selues, and sent a poste to the saide Soltan of Kayte, who 
immediately came himselfe with 300. men, and met these 
foure suspected men which we sent vnto him, and examined 
them so straightly, and threatened them in such sort, that 
they* confessed, there was a banished Prince^ with 40. men 3. 
dayes iourney forward, who lay in waite to destroy vs, if he 
could, and that they themselues were of his companie. 

The Soltan therefore vnderstanding that the theeues were 
not many, appointed vs 80. men well armed with a Captaine 
to goe with vs, and conduct vs in our way. And the Soltan 
himselfe returned backe againe, taking the 4. theeues with 
him. These souldiers trauailed with vs two dayes, consuming 
much of our victuals. And the 3. day in the morning very 
earely, they set out before our Carauan, and hauing ranged the 
wildernes for the space of foure houres, they mette vs com- 
ming towardes vs, as fast as their horse could runne, and 
declared that they had found the tract of horses not farre 

1 This prince may have been Burum, third son of Budjugi Khan, 
and brother of the slain Dost and Isha, concerning whom Abulghazi is 
silent. He appears to have held Kath during his brother Dost's Khan- 
ship. — Vesselofsky, p. 121. 


from vs, perceiuing well that wee should meete with enemies, 
and therefore willed vs to appoint our selues for them, and 
asked vs what we would giue them to conduct vs further, or 
els they would returne. To whome we offered as we thought 
good, but they refused our offer, and would haue more, and 
so we not agreeing they departed from vs, and went backe 
to their Soltane, who (as wee coniectured) was priuie to the 
conspiracie. But they being gone, certaine Tartars of our 
companie called holy men, (because they had bene at Mecha) 
caused the whole Carauan to stay, and would make their 
prayers, and deuine howe wee should prosper in our iourney, 
and whether we should meete with any ill companie or no, 
to which, our whole Carauan did agree, and they tooke 
certaine sheepe and killed them, and tooke the blade bones^ 
of the same, and first sodde them, and then burnt them, and 
tooke of the blood of the saide sheepe, and mingled it with 
the powder of the saide bones, and wrote certaine Characters 
with the saide blood, vsing many other ceremonies and 
wordes, and by the same deuined and founde, that wee should 
meete with enemies and theeues (to our great trouble) but 
should ouercome them, to which sorcerie, I and my companie 
gave no credite, but we found it true : for within 3. houres 
after that the souldiers departed from vs, which was the 
15. day of December in the morning, we escried farre off 
diuers horsemen which made towards vs, and we (perceiuing 
them to be rouers) gathered our selues together, being 40. of 
vs well appointed, and able to fight, and wee made our 

1 Blade-bones of sheep have a peculiar superstitions significance in 
Central Asia. Among Kalmuks in Dzungaria (now a Chinese 
province), the Lamas inscribe texts and prayers on them, and suspend 
a rope garnished with these curious symbols at the entrance to their 
encampments. The Kalmuk stops his horse under this festoon, and 
plucking a few hairs out of his mane, ties them to the rope. In 
Mongolia these blade-bones are always broken and thrown aside, it 
being considered unlucky to leave them unbroken. — Prejevalsky's 
Mongolia, i, 56 ; see also Purchan, iii, 31. 


prayers together euery one after his lawe, professing to Hue 
and die one with another, and so prepared our selues. When 
the theeues were nigh vnto vs, we perceiued them to be in 
nomber 37. men well armed, and appointed with bowes, 
arrowes and swords, and the Captaine a prince banished from 
his Countrey. They willed vs to yeelde our selues, or els to 
bee slaine, but wee defied them, wherewith they shotte at vs 
all at once, and wee at them very hotly, and so continued 
our fight from morning vntill two houres within night, diners 
men, horses and camels being wounded and slaine on both 
partes: and had it not bene for 4. hand gunnes^ which I 
and my companie had and vsed, we had bene ouercome and 
destroyed : for the theeues were better armed, and were also 
better archers than we ; But after wee had slaine diners of 
their men and horses with our gunnes, they durst not ap- 
proche so nigh, which caused them to come to a truce with 
vs vntill the next morning, which we accepted, and encamped 
ourselues vpon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling 
it about with packes of wares, and layde our horses and camels 
within the same to sane them from the shotte of arrowes : 
and the theeues also incamped within an arrowe shotte also 
of vs, but they were betwixt vs and the water, which was to 
our great discomfort, because neither we nor our camels had 
drunke in 2. days before.^ 

Thus keeping good watche, when halfe the night was spent, 
the Prince of the theeues sent a messenger halfe way vnto 
vs, requiring to talke with our Captaine in their tongue, the 
Carauan Basha, who answered the messenger, I will not 
depart from my companie to goe into the halfe way to talke 

^ Arqnebusses were the only hand guns known at this time. 

* This style of fortified camp has often been employed by the 
Russians in their wars with Central Asiatics, and has stood them in 
good stead when attacked by overwhelming odds. Jenkinson and his 
party must, however, have been in a critical situation, cut off as they 
were from the water-supply. 


with thee : but if that thy Prince with all his companie will 
sweare by our Lawe to keepe the truce, then will I sende a 
man to talke with thee, or els not. Which the Prince vnder- 
standing as well himselfe as his companie, swore so lowde 
that wee might all heare. And then wee sent one of our 
companie (reputed a holy man) to talke with the same mes- 
senger. The message was pronounced aloude in this order, 
Our Prince demaundeth of the Carauan Basha, and of all 
you that be Bussamians,'^ (that is to say circumcised) not 
desiring your bloods, that you deliuer into his handes as 
many CapJiars, that is, vnbeleeuers (meaning vs the Chris- 
tians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, 
hee will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietnesse, 
and to the contrary, you shall be handled with no lesse 
crueltie then the Gaphars, if hee ouercome you, as he 
doubteth not. To the which our Carauan Basha answered, 
that hee had no Christians in his companie, nor other 
strangers, but two Turkes which were of their Lawe, and 
although hee had, hee would rather die then deliuer them, 
and that wee were not afraide of his threatnings, and that 
should hee knowe when day appeared. And so passing in 
talke, the theeues (contrary to their othe) carried our holy 
man away to their Prince, crying with a lowde voyce in 
token of victorie. Olio, olio} Wherewith we were much 
discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray vs : 
but hee being cruelly handled and much examined, would 
not to death confesse any thing which was to vs preiudiciall, 
neither touching vs,' nor yet what men they had slaine and 
wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, 
in the morning we prepared ourselues to battel againe, which 
the theeues perceiuing, required to fall to agreement & asked 

1 " BnBsarmanni" is merely a variation of " Mussulmanni", in fre- 
quent nae among the illiterate in Rnssia. 
* Allah ! Allah ! 
' /.«., Jenkinson and the two Johnsons. 


much of vs: And to be briefe, the most part of our companie 
being loth to go to battel againe, and hauing litle to loose, & 
safe conduct to passe, we were compelled to agree, & to giue 
the theeues 20. ninthes (that is to say) 20. times 9. seuerall 
things, and a camell to carie away the same, which being 
receiued, the thieues departed into the wildernes to their 
olde habitation, and we went on our way forward. And 
o^^^®' °* that night came to the riuer Oxus^ where wee refreshed our- 
selues, hauing bene 3. dayes without water, and drinke, and 
tarried there all the next day, making merry with our slaine 
horses and camels, and then departed from that place, & for 
feare of meeting with the said theeues againe or such like, 
wee left the high way which went along the saide riuer and 
passed through a wildernes of sand, and trauailed 4. dayes 
in the same before we came to water : and then came to a 
well, the water being very brackish, and we then as before 
were in neede of water, and of other victuals, being forced 
to kill our horses and camels to eate. 

In this wildernes also we had almost fallen into the 
'handes of theeues : for one night being at rest, there came 
certaine scoutes, and caried away certaine of our men which 
lay a little separated from the Carauan, wherewith there was 
a great shoute and cry, and we immediatly laded our camels, 
and departed, being about midnight and very darke, and droue 
sore till wee came to the riuer Oxus againe,^ and then we 

1 The text does not state at what point on the Oxus Jenkinson 
arrived, bat it may be assumed to have been about half-way between 
Khiva and Bokhara, probably near Fort Kavakli, about 120 miles 
from Bokhara by a road along the left bank of the Amu daria. — 
Cf. Col. Walker's map of Central Asia 

* Jenkinson's route, after crossing the Amu daria, lay up the right 
bank of this river, probably to Utch Uchak, near the ruins of Tunukliu. 
Here the road to Bokhara bifurcates, one track continuing to follow 
the river, the other striking off in a north-easterly direction across a 
frightful sand desert. It was by this latter that Vambery travelled 
with a caravan of dervishes, enduring tortures from thirst between 


feared nothing, being walled with the said riuer : and whether 
it was for that we had gotten the water, or for that the same 
theeues were farre from vs when the scoutes discouered vs, 
we knowe not, but we escaped that danger. 

So vpon the 23. day of December wee arriued at the citie 
of Boghar in the lande of Bactria. This Boghar^ is situated ^°fg^oJ' * 


Adam Krilgan aad Kala-ata, and it was here that Kaufmann's detach- 
ment nearly perished on their celebrated march to Khiva in 1873. It 
was a choice of evils : by keeping near the river, caravans were almost 
sure to be attacked by Turkoman robbers, whilst by plunging into 
the desert they had to encounter dangers arising from want of water, 
and Band-storms. Jenkinson probably followed the more southern 
route nearer the Oxus, and entered Bokhara via Kara-kul, marked on 
his map. 

^ In saying that Bokhara is situate in the lowest part of the country, 
our author doubtless refers to its relative position, which appears low ; its 
absolute elevation, however, is, according to Burnes, 1 ,200 feet above sea 
level. When Bokhara was built is unknown. Tradition says that its site 
was formerly occupied by a great number of lakes, and that fishermen, 
attracted by the abundance of fish_, grew rich, and began cultivating 
the soU. As the population increased, and houses replaced the 
original huts, a town was formed, and this was Bokhara. According 
to another account, the foundation of Bokhara is attributed to 
Afrasiab, the mythical hero of Turan. Its name is probably derived 
from the Sanskrit "Vihara", a reunion of wise men, a monastery; and 
it certainly bore the reputation in the Mussulman world of being a 
place of great learning and sanctity. " In all other parts of the world 
light descends upon earth, from holy Bokhara it ascends," was a well- 
known saying of Muhammedans. In earlier times it appears to have 
been named Numi, or Numij Kent, but this is uncertain, and in Chinese 
annals of the seventh century it is mentioned as Bu-huo, or 
Bu-ho, while in the record of its capture by Jinghiz the name is 
written Pu-hua, and also Bu-ha-r. All Muhammedan authors agree in 
stating that Bokhara is one of the most ancient cities in the world. 
In the beginning of the eighth century it fell into the hands of the 
Arabs, who converted its inhabitants to Muhammedanism. Bokhara 
rose to the summit of its glory under the Samanides, who set up 
their throne here, but with the decline of this dynasty it fell under 
Turkish rule ; Mahmud of Ghazni, Seljuk, and the princes of Kwarezm 
becoming successively its masters. From the last of these it was taken 
by Jinghiz in 1220, and burnt to the ground. Fifteen years after its 
destruction Bokhara rose once more from its ashes, and recovered some 


in the lowest part of all the land, walled about with a high 
wall of earth, with diners gates into the same : it is deuided 
into 3. partitions, where of two parts are the kings, and the 
3. part is for Marchants and markets, and euery science hath 
their dwelling and market by themselues. The Citie is very 
great, and the houses for the most part of earth, but there 
are also many houses, temples and monuments of stone 

of its former prosperity under Okkodai, son of Jinghiz. In 1265 it was 
visited by the brothers Polo, and we read in the book of Marco 
Polo: "Quant il orent pass6 eel desert, si vindrent a une cit^ 
qui est appel^e Bocara, moult noble et grant" (Pauthier, p. 9). 
Hayton I, King of Armenia, passed through it on his homeward 
journey (1264), and his cousin and namesake the historian gives a 
similar account of it, for he speaks of Bokhara and Samarkand as 
" deux grans et riches citez" (Pauthier, p. 69, note 8). From the end 
of the thirteenth to the middle of the sixteenth centuries, or from the 
time of Marco Polo to that of Jenkinson, there is a wide gap in early 
notices of Bokhara, only partially filled by Ibn Batuta, the Moor, and 
the Spanish envoy, Don Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, to the court of Timur. 
During the whole of this period the states of Central Asia were torn 
by civil wars which arose among the descendants of Jinghiz, and de- 
stroyed all the germs of returning civilisation in the unhappy Oxus 
lands. Under the strong rule of Timiir, Samarkand, with which were 
linked the fortunes of Bokhara, again flourished ; and his descendants, 
after they had been driven out of all their possessions south of the 
Oxus, made Bokhara their home, embellishing it with many fine 
buildings. From 1400 to 1500 may therefore be considered the period 
of renaissance in Bokhara. This was put an end to, unhappily, by 
another period of intestine orders, with invasions of Kirghiz and 
Kalmuks. It was not till a few years before the visit of our traveller 
that AbduUa Khan, of the Sheibani dynasty, took possession of the 
throne and restored peace and prosperity to the " noble" city. With 
its size and features of interest, modern writers and travellers, from 
Burnes in 1832 to Schuyler in 1873, have acquainted us. They have 
spoken of its walls, eight miles in circuit, pierced by eleven gates ; of 
its ark or citadel artificially raised in the centre of the city; of its 
mosques, colleges, and extensive suburbs. They have praised its 
gardens, markets, and baths, and described the extent and importance 
of its trade. Mr. Schuyler says, "you cannot walk the street without 
seeing that it is really a capital". — See Meyendorff, passim] Vambery's 
Hist, of Bokhara, passim ; Bretschneider, p. 166 ; Burnes, i, chaps. 9 
and 10 ; ii, 158 ; Khanikof pp. 79-87 ; Schuyler, ii, 85-108. 


sumptuously builded, and gilt, and specially bathstones so 
artificially built that the like thereof is nof in the worlde : 
the manner where of is too long to rehearse. There is a little 
Eiuer running through the middes of the saide Citie, but the 
water thereof is most vnholsome, for it breedeth sometimes 
in men that drinke thereof, and especially in them that be 
not there borne, a worme of an ell long, which lieth com- 
monly in the legge betwixt the flesh and the skinne, and is 
pluckt out about the ancle with great art and cunning, the 
Surgeons being much practised therein, and if shee breake in 
plucking out, the partie dieth, and euery day she commeth 
out about an inche, which is rolled vp, and so worketh till 
shee be all out.^ And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any 
other thing then water, & mares milke, and whosoever is 
found to breake that lawe is whipped and beaten most 
cruelly through the open markets, and there are officers 
appointed for the same who haue authoritie to goe into any 
mans house, to searche if hee haue either Aquauita, wine, or 
brage, and finding the same, doe breake the vessels, spoyle 
the drinke, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly, 
yea, and many times if they perceiue, but by the breath of a 
man that he hath drunke, without further examination hee 
shall not escape their handes. 

There is a Metropolitane^ in this Boghar, who causeth this 
lawe to be so streightly kept, and he is more obeyed then the 
King, and will depose the kmg, and place another at his will 

1 The bad quality of the water has been the subject of general 
comment. This is led from the Zarafshan, which flows at a distance 
of three miles from the city by a canal (the Shehr-i-rud) into reser- 
voirs, and is allowed to stagnate for weeks, breeding infusoria, to which 
the disease alluded to by Jenkinson — the rishta or Guinea worm — is 

2 We have before remarked (ante, p. 67) that " Metropolitan", as 
applied to Muhammedan dignitaries, is an erroneous term. The 
highest personage in their hierarchy is the Sheikh ul Islam, who pre- 
sides at the conferences of the Ulemas, and is chief spiritual adviser 
of the Khan. 


and pleasure, as hee did by this king that raigned at our 
being there, and his predecessour,^ by the meanes of the saide 
Metropolitan : for hee betrayed him, and in the night slewe 
him in his chamber, who was a Prince that loued all Chris- 
tians well. 

This Countrey of Boghar was sometime subiect to the 
Persians^ and doe now speake the Persian tongue, but yet 
now it is a kingdome of it selfe, and hath most cruel warres 
continually with the saide Persians about their religion, 
although they be all Mahometists.^ One occasion of their 

1 Burhan, appanage Khan of Bokhara, is probably the personage 
alluded to. Burhan was nominated joint ruler of Bokhara with Yar 
Mahommed in 1550. But having incurred the displeasure of Navruz 
Khakan of Maverannahr, he was deprived of Bokhara, and obliged 
to retire to Karakul. In 1557 he took up arms against Abdullah, 
but was defeated by this Prince, who caused him to be assassinated. 
The story runs that he was betrayed by the holy hoja Inibareh, per- 
haps Jenkinson's "Metropolitan", and met his end at the house of 
one Murza Eke-bi. On the morrow, at dawn, his head was placed on 
a pike, and sent to Abdullah. — Howorth, ii, 727-729 ; Vambery, p. 284. 

2 During the Khalifat, the country and city of Bokhara formed 
part of the province of Khorassan, and was subject to Persian 
Princes to the end of the tenth century, when, upon the fall of the 
Samanide dynasty, a warlike tribe known as the Kharluks invaded 
Maverannahr, and turned the tide of invasion in an opposite direc- 
tion. From this period Northern Persia was constantly ravaged by 
the Tartars and their allies. But the Persian language, probably used 
by the Arabs in converting the people of Central Asia to Islam, is 
to this day spoken in Bokhara by the Tadjiks, a people of Aryan 

3 The religious hatred between Sunnis and Shiahs, the two great 
sects into which Muhammedans were divided, increased the fury of 
their animosity. Either party regarded the other as worse than heretics, 
and their fanaticism led them to commit the most frightful excesses, 
as when the sacred shrine of Imam Riza was sacked by Abdul Mum- 
min's savage warriors, and all who sought refuge within its sanctuary 
were indiscriminately slaughtered. The shaving of the upper lip is 
religiously practised by Sunnis at the present day, the beards and 
.ends of the moustache are left untouched, but the part immediately 
under the nose must be shaved clean.— See Schuyler, ii, 180 ; Vambery ^ 
28G ; Howorth, ii, 735 


warres is, for that the Persians will not cut the haire of their 
vpper lippes, as the Bogharians and all other Tartars doe, 
which they accompt great Sinne, and cal them Gaphars, that 
is, vnbeleeuers, as they doe the Christians. 

The king of Boghar^ hath no great power or riches, his 
reuenues are but small, and he is most mainteined by the 
Citie: for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that are 
there solde, as wel by the craftes men as by the Marchants, to 
the great impouerishment of the people, whome hee keepeth 
in great subiection, and when he lacketh money, hee sendeth 
his officers to the shoppes of the saide Marchants to take 
their wares to pay his debts, and will haue credite of force, 
as the like he did to pay mee certaine money that hee owed 
me for 19. pieces of carsey. Their money is siluer and 
copper, for golde there is none currant : they haue but one 
piece of silver, & that is worth 12. pence English, and the 
copper money are called Pooles,^ and 120. of them goeth to 
the value of the said 12. d. and is more common paiment 
then the siluer^ which the king causeth to rise and fall to his 
most aduantage euery other moneth, and sometimes twise in 
a moneth, not caring to oppresse his people, for that hee 

1 Abdullah Khan, son of Iskender Khan, son of Janibeg, grandson of 
Abulkhair, is probably the " King" mentioned. Abdullah was appanage 
Khan of Bokhara at this time, while his uncle, Pir Mahommed, held 
the supreme Khanship. Successful in his wars, Abdullah became ruler 
of all Maverannahr in 1583, upon the death of his father, and left a 
great reputation behind him. 

2 Pooles (Pules). Khanikof says there are forty-four pules in the 
silver " tenga", worth about sixpence. This would make the pule equi- 
valent to one-eighth of a penny. In his time a gold coin, the " tilla", 
was also current at Bokhara, and was worth twenty-one tengas, or 
about half a sovereign of our money. The Russian coins of the six- 
teenth century were in name almost identical with those of Bokhara. 
John Hussey tells us that there were "poles and dengas", eighteen of 
the former being equal to a " poledenga" (i.e., half-denga), equiva- 
lent to an English halfpenny of that period. Neither Russians nor 
Bokharians had any gold coinage. — Hakluyt, p. 293 ; Khanikof^ p. 


looketh not to raigne aboue 2. or 3. yeeres before hee be 
either slaine or driuen away, to the great destruction of the 
Countrey and marchants. 

The 26. day of the moneth I was commanded to come 
before the said king, to whom I presented the Emperour of 
Russia his letters, who interteined vs most gently, and caused 
vs to eate in his presence, and diuers times he sent for me, 
and deuised with me familiarly in his secret chamber, as 
well of the power of the Emperour, and the great Turke, as 
also of our countreis, lawes, and religion, and caused vs to 
shoote in hand gunnes before him, and did himselfe practise 
the vse thereof. But after all this great intertainement 
before my departure he shewed himselfe a very Tartar : for 
he went to the warres owing me money, and sawe mee not 
paide before his departure ;^ And although indeede hee gaue 
order for the same, yet was I very ill satisfied, and forced 
to rebate part, and to take wares as paiment for the rest, 
contrary to my expectation, but of a begger, better paiment 
I could not haue, and glad I was so to be paide and dis- 

But yet I must needes praise and commende this barbarous 
king, who immediatly after my arriuall at Boghar, hauing 
vnderstoode our trouble with the theeues, sent 100. men well 
armed, and gaue them great charge not to retume before 
they had either slaine or taken the saide theeues. Who 
according to their commission ranged the wildernes in such 

1 Abdullah invaded Khorassan five times, and was on the point of 
starting on his first expedition against that country when Jenkinson 
was at Bokhara in 1559. These earlier expeditions were hardly 
deserving to be called wars, they were rather " alamans'', or plundering 
raids into northern Khorassan, for as long as Tamasp was King of 
Persia he was strong enough to protect his northern provinces; upon 
his death, however, in 1576, that country fell into a state of anarchy 
and confusion, during which the Uzbeks were able to take Herat 
and devastate northern Persia. — Vamhery, p. 284 ; Hov)orth, pt. Ii, 
diy. II, 733, seqq. 


sort, that they met with the said companie of theeues, and 
slewe part, and part fledde, and foure they tooke and brought 
vnto the king, and two of them were sore wounded in our 
skirmish with our gunners : And after the king had sent for 
me to come to see them, hee caused them all 4. to be hanged 
at his palace gate, because they were Gentlemen to the 
example of others. And of such goods as were gotten againe, 
I had part restored me, and this good iustice I found at his 

There is yeerely great resort of Marchants^ to this 
Citie of Boghar, which trauaile in great Carauans from 
the Countries thereabout adioyning, as India, Persia, 
Balke, Mussia, with diuers others, and in times past from 
Cathay, when there was passage, but these Marchants 
are so beggerly and poore, and bring so little quantitie 
of wares, lying two or 3. yeeres to sell the same, that 
there is nt) hope of any good trade there to be had 
worthy the following. 

The chiefe commodities that are brought thither out of 
these foresaide Countreys, are these following. 

1 Bokhara owed her commercial prosperity to her central position. 
Situated at the cross-roads where merchants from Eastern Asia met 
those from the West, and interchanged the wares of Europe for the 
produce and merchandise of Asia, Bokhara was a great emporium of 
trade. It also served as a depot for merchants coming from the South 
before they crossed the great deserts which intervened between it and the 
northern countries. Having no industries of any importance, Bokhara 
depended solely on agriculture as a means of diverting some of this 
trade for her own population, whose wants, however, were not large. 
Hence the small extent of her local commerce, and the unfavourable 
impression it produced on our traveller. The unsettled state of the 
country and insecurity of the roads must also doubtless have diminished 
the trafl&c, and entirely stopped that with China. That this had been 
great, may be gathered from incidental notices of earlier travellers — 
Marco Polo, Pegolotti, and John de MarignoUi. But wars and fresh 
invasions diverted much of the trade into other channels, and we find 
the caravans taking a more northerly route to Cathay via Otrar, 
Tashkend, and the line of the Syr. 


The Indians^ doe bring fine whites,^ which the Tartars doe 
roll about their heads, and all other kinds of whites, which 
serue for apparell made of cotton wooll and crasko,^ but 
golde, siluer, pretious stones, and spices they bring none. I 
enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the 
Ocean Sea, and the vaines where all such things are gotten, 
are in the subiection of the Portingals} The Indians carie 
from Boghar againe, wrought silkes,^ redde hides,^ slaues and 
horses, with such like, but of carseis and other clothe, they 
make litle accompt. I offered to barter with Marchants of 
those Countreis, which came from the furthest parts of India, 
euen from the Countrey of Bengala, & the Eiuer Ganges, to 
give them carseis for their commodities, but they would not 
barter for such commoditie as cloth. 

The Persians'' doe bring thither Graska, wollen cloth, 

^ Indian trade reached Bokhara viA Meshed and Northern Khorassan. 
In Jenkinson's day, probably only some of the commodities im- 
ported from India in modern times were brought to Bokhara. The 
fine textiles mentioned by him have, however, continued to the pre- 
sent day to be supplied from that country, whilst coarser cottons 
and linens are now almost exclusively of Russian manufacture. — 
Khanikof, pp. 111-179 ; Schuyler, ii, 95. 

2 I.e., Cambrics, muslins. 

3 Crasko (Crash, from the Latin Crassus), coarse linen. 

* The Portuguese were at this time masters of the coasts of India. 

^ Bokhara silks have always held a high place in the commerce of 
Central Asia. The silk industry, originally introduced by the Chinese, 
and revived by Shah Murad Khan in 1 785, after the capture of Merv, 
is estimated at four and a half millions of pounds, Bokhara alone sup- 
plying one and a half millions. The dyers are mostly Jews, who also 
trade in silk yam. — Meyendorff, p. 219 ; Schuyler, i, 191. 

^ The red hides came from Russia, always celebrated for her leather 
manufacture. The slaves were principally Persians captured in war, 
and the horses were the Argamaks referred to below. 

^ The Persian trade with Bokhara came mostly via Meshed and 
Herat. Khanikof says, in 1840, four caravans annually entered 
Bokhara from Meshed, the merchandise dealt in being chiefly cotton 
and silk stuffs, shawls, carpets, and turquoises. From Bokhara were 


linnen clothe, diuers kindes of wrought pide silkes, Argo- 
macks,' with such like, and doe carrie from thence redde 
hides with other Busse wares, and slaues^ which are of diuers 
Countreis, but cloth they will buy none, for that they bring 
thither themselues, and is brought vnto them as I haue 
enquired from Aleppo in Syria, and the parts of Turkie, 
The Bussed doe carrie vnto Boghar, redde hides, sheepe- 

exported to Persia the Kara-Kul lambskins for the peculiar, high 
conical hats commonly worn by Persians, raw cotton, etc. Persia 
received manufactured goods from the^Levant, and would therefore 
require none from Bokhara. 

1 The Argamak or Turkoman horse, crossed with Arab stock, has 
always been famous in Central Asia. Horses of this breed were sent 
as presents to Russian Tzars and Chinese Emperors. Herberstein 
mentions them in Mosco, and they always formed part of the tribute 
to China. They are tall, handsome animals, with long neck, fine legs, 
and noble carriage. Among their defects are their narrow chest and 
scanty mane and tail, besides their delicacy and liability to sore backs, 
rendering them unserviceable for long marches! over rough country. 
Their speed and endurance, however, are highly praised. — Meyeiidorff^ 
p. 209 ; Khanikof, p. 155 ; Schuyler, i, 129, 153, 338. 

2 The slave market in Bokhara was the largest in Central Asia, and 
has continued till very recent times. It was supplied chiefly by 
captives made in wars with Persia, and by Turkoman raids into this 
country. Afghans, a few Russians, and people of other nationalities, 
were among the unfortunate victims of this traffic. Every wealthy 
Bokharian owned slaves and cultivated his land with them. In 
Meyendorf 's time, 1820, the price of a strong man was from 640 to 
800 francs, but an artisan fetched double this price. Women, unless 
they were young and beautiful, had a lower market value. Their lot 
was a very unhappy one, for they were often treated with great 
cruelty by their masters. — Meyendorf , pp. 178, 285, 286. 

3 The Russian trade with Bokhara, from the length of time it has 
existed, as well as from its value, is more important than any other. 
Bokhara cotton is largely consumed by Russian manufactories, while 
Russian prints and wares supply the wauts of the inhabitants of this 
and adjacent cities of Central Asia, besides being carried through 
Bokhara to Afghanistan and the Indian frontier. As early as the 
eighth century a trade route from India to the Baltic is said to have 
passed through Bokhara, and the Arabs made this city their entrepot 


skinnes, wollen cloth of diuers sorts, wodden vessels, bridles, 
saddles, with such like, and doe came away from thence, 
diuers kindes of wares made of cotton woU, diuers kindes of 
silkes, Crasca, with other things, but there is but small 
vtterance. From the Countreis of Cathay is brought thither 
in time of peace, and when the way is open, muske, rubarbe, 
satton, damaske, with diuers other things : at my being at 
Boghare, there came Carauans out of all these foresaid 
Countreis, except from Cathay, and the cause why there 
came none from thence, was the great warres that had dured 
3. yeeres before my comming thither, and yet dured betwixt 
2. great Countreis and cities of Tartars that are directly in 
the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and 
certaine barbarous, fielde people, as well Gentiles as Maho- 
metists bordering to the saide Cities. The cities are called 
Taskent^ and Caskayre^ and the people that warre against 
Taskent are called Cassak^ of the law of Mahomet, and they 

in their commercial dealings with the Khozars. Merchants from 
Bokhara visited Tara, Tomsk, and Tobolsk before Yermak conquered 
Siberia, and were seen in Mosco in the fifteenth century. The 
trade route in Pegolotti's time (14th century) from Tana (Azof) to 
Peking passed through Astrakhan, Sarai, Saraichik, Urgendj, Bokhara, 
Samarkand, and Otrar. That the Russian grand dukes attached im- 
portance to the cultivation of trading relations with these Central 
Asian Khanats, is evident from the negotiations opened by Vassili 
Ivannovitch with the famous Baber, and from the interest taken by 
his son and successor in Jenkinson's mission. Those interested in 
the present state and future prospects of the Bokhara trade would 
do well to consult M. Petrof sky's notes in Schuyler. — See also 
Meyend&rff, pp. 227-252 ; Khanikof, pp. 165-172. 

1 Tashkend. 

2 Kashgar, the name of this city, was also applied to the country as 
it is at this day — Kashgaria, or Eastern Turkestan. 

3 Cassaks (Kazzaks), improperly called " Kirghiz", form the greater 
part of the semi-nomadic population of Central Asia at the present 
day. They are first heard of under the name of "Uzbek Kazzaks" 
about the middle of the fifteenth century, when they joined the 
fortunes of the descendants of Jinghiz, and took part in the wars 


which warre with the said countrey of Caskayre, are called 
Kings/ Gentiles & idolaters. These 2. barbarous nations 
are of great force, lining in the fieldes without house or 
towne, & haue almost subdued the foresaide cities, & so 
stopped vp the way, that it is impossible for any Carauan to 
pass vnspoiled, so that 3. yeeres before our being there, no 
Carauan had gone, or vsed trade betwixt the Countreis of 

which ensued between these princes and the successors of Abulkhair 
of the Sheibani dynasty. Their numbers rapidly increasing, the 
Kazzaks became a power in Central Asia. Baber says of their Khan 
Kasim, that he kept the horde in better order than any other Khan, 
and that his army numbered nearly 300,000 men. They were defeated 
by the Nogais, but recovered their prosperity under Ak (Hakk) 
Nazar Khan, who subdued Mogolistan or Kashgaria, and harassed 
Turkestan. About the middle of the sixteenth century they occu- 
pied both banks of the Talas, took the towns of Turkestan (Hazret) 
and Sabran, and threatened Bokhara. Danilo Gubin, the Russian 
Envoy, reported in 1535 that the Kazzaks had become very powerful, 
and had taken Tashkend. The name " Kazzak" meant " freebooter", 
"free lance", or "marauder". — Howorth, pt. ii, pp. 627-634; V. 
Zernof, pt. ii, p. 330. 

^ Proba'bly a misprint for Kirghis (see map), But the people 
referred to were the Kalmuks, whose Buddhism would account 
for their being called idolaters. Their powerful empire of Dzun- 
garia, once the heritage of Jagatai, lay to the north of Kashgaria, 
occupying very "nearly the same extent of territory as that now 
comprised in the Chinese province of Hi or Kuldja. The Kalmuks 
or Dzungars were very frequently summoned to assist the rival 
princes^ of Kashgar in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
Upon the death of Sultan Sayid of Kashgar, the most remark- 
able ^^of the Mongol Khans descended from Toghluk Timur, in 
1534 his eldest son, Rashid, seized the capital and brought all 
the country under one united government. But, on his death, owing 
to dissensions [among his sons, the several States comprising it fell 
asunder. The disturbed state of Kashgaria consequent on these con- 
tentions, and the religious wars of the Hojas, who were divided into 
two sects, interfered greatly with trade, and threw it into other 
channels. In 1678 the Dzungars, who then formed a powerful con- 
federacy under their Khan Galdan, took the city of Kashgar, and ruled 
the country for seventy-eight years, till they were overthrown by the 
Chinese.— Bellew, Kashmir and Kashgar, p. 25 ; Kuropatkine, Kash- 
garia, 83-86. 


Cathay, and Boghare, & when the way is cleare, it is 9. 
moneths iourney.^ 

To speake of the said Countrey of Cathay, and of such 
newes as I haue heard therof, I haue thought it best to 
reserue it to our meeting. I hauing made my solace at 
Boghar, in the Winter time, and hauing learned by much 
inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other Countries 
thereto adioyning, and the time of the yeere being come, for 
all Carauans to depart, and also the king being gone to the 
warres, and newes came, that he was fled, and I aduertised 
by the Metropolitan himselfe, that I should depart, because 
the Towne was like to be besieged : I thought it good and 
meete, to take my iourney some way, and determined to 
haue gone from thence into Persia, and to haue scene the 
trade of tliat Countrey, although I had enformed my selfe 
sufficiently thereof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar : and 
perceaued well the trades, not to be much vnlike the trades 
of Tartaria : but when I should haue taken my iourney that 
way, it was let by diuers occasions: the one was, the great 
warres^ that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the 

1 The following distances, in days' journey, are given by Pegolotti 
of the trade route to Peking in his day : — 

From Organci (Urgendj) to OUrarre (Otrar) . . 35 to 40 days 

„ OUrarre . . „ Armalec (Almalik) . . „ 45 „ 

„ Armalec . . „ Camexu (Kanchu) . . „ 70 „. 
„ Camexu ' „ Cassai {Kingszi, hod. Hau- 

chau-fu) . . . „ 45 „ 
„ Cassai „ Camhalu {Khanbalik, hod. 

Peking) . . . M 40 „ 

230 „ 

or about seven months and a half. This leaves out Bokhara, and 
allows nothing for halts on the road, for the boat journey down the 
Han river to its confluence with the Yangtse Kiang at Hanchau-f u, or 
for incidental delays on so long a journey. Jenkinson therefore did 
not over-estimate the distance from Bokhara to Cathay, i.e., Peking, at 
nine months. — Cathay, p. 288. 

2 I.e.; Abdullah's expeditions against Khorassan (an^e, p. 86). 


kings of Tartaria, whereby the waies they were destroied : 
and there was a Carrauan destroyed with rouers, and theeues, 
which came out of Imlia, and Persia, by safe conduct : and 
about ten daies iourney from Boghar, they were robbed, and 
a great part slaine. Also the Metropolitane of Boghar, who 
is greater then the king,i tooke the Emperours letters of 
Bttssia from me, without which I should haue bene taken 
slaue in euery place : also all such wares as I had receaued 
in barter for cloth, and as I tooke perforce of the king, and 
other his nobles, in paiment of monie due vnto me, were not 
vendible in Persia: for which causes, and diuers others, I 
was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the 
same way I went: so that the eight of March, 1559, we 
departed out of the said Citie of Boghar, being a Carauan of 
600. Camels, and if we had not departed when we did, I and 
my companie had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods. 
For ten daies after our departure, the king of Samarcand 
came with an armie, & besieged the said Citie of Boghar,^ the 
king being absent, and gone to the warres against another 
prince, his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries, 
once in two or three yeeres. For it is maruell, if a king 
raigne there aboue three or foure yeeres, to the great destruc- 
tion of the Countrey, and marchants. 

The 25. of March, we came to the foresaid towne of 

* The clergy of Bokhara were all-powerful at this time, and 
exercised their authority in a way they would not dare in later 
times, when Muhammedanism lost much of its influence in Central 

* The King of Samarkand here referred to must have been one of 
the sons of Navruz Ahmed Khan, otherwise known as Birak or 
Borrak, who caused himself to be proclaimed supreme Khan of 
Maverannahr upon the death of AbduUatif, but was obliged to fight 
his rivals, the sons of Janibeg. Navruz was Khan of Samarkand when 
Sidi Ali visited that city in 1554, and died in 1556. His son, Baba 
Sultan, probably succeeded to his father's rights, and attempted to 
overthrow the power of Abdullah, but was defeated. — Howortk, pt. ii, 
div. II, 726 seqq. 



Vrgetice,^ and escaped the danger of 400. rouers, which lay 
in waite for vs backe againe, being the most of them of 
kindred to that companie of theeues, which we met with 
going foorth, as we perceaued by foure spies, which were 
taken. There were in my companie, and committed to my 
charge, two Ambassadours, the one from the king of Boghar, 
the other from the king of Balke, and were sent vnto the 
Emperour of Russia : and after hauing taried at Vrgenee, and 
the Castle of Zellysure,^ eight daies for the assembling, and 
making ready of our Carauan : the second of Aprill we 
departed from thence, hauing foure more Ambassadors in 
our company, sent from the king of Vrgence, and other 
Soltans, his brethren, vnto the Emperour of Russia, with 
answere of such letters as I brought them : and the same 
Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge, by the 
said kings, and princes : to whome I promised most faithfully, 
and swore by our lawe, that they should be well vsed in 
Rutland, and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie, 
according as the Emperour had written also in his letters : 
for they somwhat doubted, because there had none gone out 
of Tartaria into Russia, of long time before.^ 

The 23. of Aprill, we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe, 
where we found our barke which we came in, but neither 

1 Ante, p. 70. « Atite, p. 69. 

3 Here Jenkinson seems to be in error, for Ambassadors came to 
Russia from Khiva in 1557, and in October 1558. On the last-mentioned 
occasion, the Laurentian MS. (v, 267-8) gives the name of the envoy, 
Tenish Azi, though it may be that the annalist confounded this embassy 
with thai accompanying Jenkinson in 1559. In any case, after the 
fall of Kazan and Astrakhan, it is recorded that the Tsars of Khiva 
and Bokhara sent distinguished persons to Mosco with presents, in 
order to gain the good-will of Ivan, and obtain privileges of trading 
with Russia. As a result, perhaps, of Jenkinson's travels, embassies 
arrived in Russia from Central Asia in 1563, 1566, and 1583, from 
Khiva, Bokhara, and Samarkand, their object being chiefly to promote 
commercial intercourse, in which they appear to have succeeded. — 
Vesselofsky, pp. 122, 123, note ; Karams'm^ viii, 252. 


anker, cable, cocke^ nor saile : neuertheless we brought hempe 
with vs, and spunne a cable ourselues, with the rest of our 
tackling, and" made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll and 
rigged our barke, as well as we could, but boate or anker we 
had none. In the meane time, being deuising to make an 
anker of wood of a cart wheele, there arriued a barke, which 
came from Astracan, with Tartars, and Busses, which had 
two ankers, w4th whom I agreed for the one : and thus being 
in a readines, we set saile, and departed, I, and the two 
Johnsons being Master and Marriners our selues, hauing in 
our barke the said sixe Ambassadors, and 25. Eusses, which 
had been slaues a long time in Tartaria,^ nor euer had before [ 

my comming, libertie, or meanes to gette home, and these \ 

slaues serued to rowe when neede was. Thus sailing some- 
times along the coast, and sometimes out of sight Of land, the 
13. day of Maye, hauing a contrarie winde, we came to an 
anker, being three leagues from the shoare, & there rose a 
sore storm e, which continued 44. houres, and our cable being 
of our owne spinning, brake, and lost our anker, and being 
off a lee shoare, and hauing no boate to helpe vs, we hoised 
our saile, and bare roomer with the said shoare, looking for 
present death : but as God prouided for vs, we ranne into a 

^ " Cocke", i.e., a cock-boat. Cf. Shakspere — 

"... yon tall anchoring bark, 
Diminish'd to her cock ; her cock a buoy 
Almost too small for sight ..." 

King Lear, iv, sc. 6. — C. 

Vy 2 This is the first successful attempt on record of the rescue of 
Russian slaves in Central Asia. In the present century, Captain (now 
General) James Abbott undertook to negotiate between the Khan of 
Khiva and General Perofsky for an exchange of prisoners, while the 
late Colonel Richmond Shakespeare effected the release of a large 
number of these unfortunate captives at Khiva, and led them safely 
back to Russia (see Abbott's Hei-at to Khiva, vol. i, passim). Many 
Russian slaves intermarried with Kirghiz women, and settled on 
the outskirts of towns, where their descendants are known as Chahar- 


creeke full of oze and so saued our selues with our barke, we 
liued in great discomfort for a time. For although we should 
haue escaped with our Hues the danger of the sea, yet if our 
barke had perished, we knew we should haue bene, either 
destroied, or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey,^ 
who line wildly in the field, like beastes, without house or 
habitation. Thus when the storme was seased, we went out 
of the creeke again : and hauing sette the lande with our 
Compasse, and taken certaine markes of the same, during 
the time of the tempest, whilest we ridde at our anker, wee 
went directly to the place where wee ridde, with our barke 
againe, and founde our anker which wee lost : whereat the 
Tartars much maruelled, howe wee did it. While wee were 
in the creeke, wee made an anker of woode of Cart wheeles, 
which wee had in our barke, which we threwe away, when 
wee had founde our yron anker againe. Within two daies after, 
there arose another great storme, at the Northeast, and we 
lay a trie, being driuen farre into the sea, and much adoe to 
keepe our barke from sinking, the billowe was so great -? but 
at the last, hauing faire weather, wee tooke the Sunne, and 
knowing howe the lande laye from vs, wee fell with the 
Eiuer Yake, according to our desire, whereof the Tartars 
were very glad, fearing that wee shoulde haue bene driuen 
to the coast of Persia, whose people were vnto them great 

1 /.e., Turkomans, ante, p. 65. 

2 Storms are not of common occurrence on the Caspian, and the 
dangers of navigation arose from the unseaworfhy craft in use in 
those days, and from shallows. Persons familiar with the Caspian 
cannot but agree with Horace : 

" Non semper imbres nubibus hispidos 
Manant in agros ; aut mare Caspium 
Yexant inaequales procellae 
Usque." Book ii, Ode ix. 

3 The Persians and Uzbek Tartars were continually at war in the six- 
teenth century, their enmity being embittered by religious differences. 


Note, that during the time of our nauigation, wee sette 
vppe the redde crosse of S. George, in our flagges, for honour The English 
of the Christians, which I suppose was neuer scene in the the Caspian 
Caspia7i ssa before.^ We passed in this voyage diners for- 
tunes, notwithstanding the 28. of Maye, wee arriued in 
safetie at Astracan, and there remained till the tenth of June 
following, as well to prepare vs small boates to goe vp against 
the streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the com- 
panie of the Ambassadors of Tartarie, committed vnto me, 
to be brought to the presence of the Emperour of Rmsia. 

This Cas;pian sea^ (to say some thing of it) is in length 
about two hundred leagues, and in bredth 150. without any 
issue to other seas, to the East parte whereof, ioyneth the 
great desert Countrey of the Tartars, called Turkemen : to 
the West, the Countreyes of the Chyrcasses,^ the mountaines 
of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinunfi, which is from the saide 
Caspian sea a hundred leagues. To the North is the riuer 
Volga, and the land of Nagay,^ and to the South part, ioyne 
the Countries of Medial and Persia,. This sea is fresh water 

* From the marginal note in Hahluyt, Jenkinson meant the English 
flag, though he was doubtless aware of the fact that Russia had 
adopted the insignia of St. George from the Greeks, who represented 
this saint clad in armour. (See Herherstem^ frontispiece, and vol. ii, 

2 The Caspian Sea is 750 miles long from north to south, and 350 
wide in the broadest part from east to west. Jenkinson, therefore, 
understates its length by 150 miles, and over-estimates its breadth by 
100 miles. In other respects his description of this sea is accurate, 
even to the conjectural underground outflow, which may account 
for the periodical changes in its level observed by those who have 
studied the subject locally, and compared the reports of travellers, 
from Olearius and Hanway to Lerch and Reineggs. For earlier 
notions of the Caspian, see Rawlinson's Herodotus, i, 327, and note. 

3 Cherkess, a general name for the mountaineers of the Caucasus. 

^ I.e., the country round Astrakhan, east and west of the Volga 
delta. This was inhabited by Manghit or Nogai Tartars. 

^ Media was the country now comprised in the north-western part 
of Persia, with which it was united under the Sassanian dynasty. It 


in many places, and in other places as salt as our great 
Ocean. It hath many goodly riuers falling into it, and it 
auoideth not it selfe, except it be vnder ground. The notable 
riuers that fall into it, are first the great riuer of Volga, 
called in the Tartar tongue Eddl} which springeth out of a 
lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre from the Citie 
of Nouogrode, in Russia, and it is from that springe, to the 
sea, aboue two thousand English miles. It hath diners other 
goodly riuers falling into it, as out of Seharia^ Yaick? and 
Yeim ;* Also out of the mountaines of Caucasus, the riuers 
of Oyrus,^ and Arash,^ and diners others. 

As touching the trade of Shamakye' in Media, and Tehris, 
with other townes in Persia, I haue enquired, and doe well 
vnderstande, that it is euen like to the trades of Tartaria, 
that is little vtterance, and small profite : and I haue bene 
aduertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is into Syria, and 
so transported into the Leuant seas. The fewe shippes vpon 
the Ca^ian seas, the want of Marte and port Townes, the 
pouertie of the people, and the ice, maketh that trade 

At Astracan, there were Marchants of Shamakye, with 
whome I offered to barter, and to giue them kersies for their 

included Raga, or Rey, now marked by some ruins east of Teheran, 
and the famous Erbatana, now Hamadan. The Media of Atropates, 
commander of the Median contingent at the battle of Arbela, included 
the basin of Lake Urumiyeh, as well as the valleys of the Araxes, Sefid 
Rud, and low countries of Talish and Ghilan, on the shores of the 
Caspian, thus nearly corresponding with the modem Persian province 
of Azerbaijan. — Ritter's Asia, Iran. Russ. edit., pp. 101, 137 ; Hero- 
dotus, i, 595. 

1 Itil, i.e., river, was the old name for the Volga. This river has its 
source, in the Ostashkof district of the Government of Tver, in 
57° 10' N. lat., in moss bogs crossed by lakes at an elevation of 840 feet. 
Its length is reckoned at 2320 miles. — Semeonof, art. " Volga". 

* Siberia, so named after Sibir, a town in the Government of 

3 Yaik, antCy p. 61. * Emba, ante, p. 63. 

' Kur. * Araxes. ^ Shemakha, ante, p. 69. 


wares, but they would not, saying, they had them as good 
cheape in their Countrey, as I offered them, which was sixe 
rubbles for a kersie, that I asked : and while I was at 
Boghar, there were there brought thither out of Persia, cloth, 
and diuers commodities of our Countreies, which were solde 
as good cheape as I might sell ours. 

The tenth daye of June, wee departed from Astracan, 
towardes the Mtcsko, hauing a hundred Gunners in our com- 
panie, at the Emperours charges, for the safe conduct of the 
Tartarre Ambassadors, and me. And the eight and twentieth 
daye of July following, we arriued at the Citie of Cazan, 
hauing beene vppon the waye from Astracan thither, sixe 
weekes, and more, without any refreshing of victuals : for in 
all that waye there is no habitation. 

The seuenth of August following, we departed from Cazan 
and transported our goods by water, as farre as the Citie of 
Morons,^ and then by land : so that the second of September, 
we arriued at the Citie of Musko, and the fourth day I came 2 mo^S*^ 
before the Emperours Maiestie, kissed his hand, and pre- September, 
sented him a white Cowes taile^ of Cathay , and a drurame of 
Tartaria, which he well accepted. Also I brought before 
him all the Ambassadors that were committed to my charge, 
with all the Russe slaues : and that day I dined in his 
Maiesties presence and at dinner, his Grace sent me meate 
by a Duke, & asked me diuers questions, touching the lands, 
& Countreis where I had bene. And thus I remained at the 
Musko about your affaires, vntill the 17. day of Februarie, 
that your wares were sent downe : & then hauing licence of 
the Emperours Maiesty to depart, the 21. day I came to jomH 
house at Vologhda, and there remained vntill the breaking 
vp of the yeere,^ and then hauing scene all your goods laden 
into your boates, I departed with the same, and arriued 

* Murom, arUey p. 44. * A yak's tail. 

^ In other words, the opening of navigation is what Jenkinson 
waited for at Vologhda, 



withall in safetie at Golmogro, the 9. of May, 1560. And 
here I cease for this time, intreating you to bears with this 
my large discourse, which by reason of the varietie of matter 
I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all 
your attempts. 

The latitudes of certaine principall places in 

Aussia, and other Regions.^ 

MoscOf in 

Nouo-grod, the great 

Nouo-grodj the lesse 






At the entrance into the Caspian sea 

Manguslaue, beyond the Caspian sea 

Vrgence in Tartarpe, 20. daies iourney> 

from the Caspian sea . ) 

BoghaTf a Citie in Tartaric , 20. daies) 

ioumey from Vrgence . ) 























42 18 

39 10 

1 These latitudes and notes are inserted by Hakluyt in the 1599 
edition in the above order ; modem authorities as below: — 



Tur.ur^ (northern 
^^«^° Isouthem 

extremity . 55° 
do. . 55 



Novgorod, the Great 

. 58 



Nijny Novgorod 

. 56 




. 64 




. 58 




. 55 



Uvek, or Ukek (Ucaca) 

. 51 




. 46 



Mangishlak peninsula ) .„ 
Northern extremity, Cape Tiuk- Karagan ) 



Old Urgendj 

. 42 


Keith Johnston 

Bokhara CAmeer's palace) 

. 39 

46 45 

' Struve. 


Certaine notes gathered by Richard lohnson (which 

was at Boghar with Master Anthony lenkinson) of the reports 

of Russes and other straungers, of the wayes of Russia 

to Cathaya and of diners and straunge people.* 

The first note giuen by one named Sarnichoke, a Tartarian 
subiect to the Prince of Bogarskie (Bokbarians), which are 
also Tartars bordering vpon Kizilbash or Persia, declaring 
the way from Astracan, being the furthest part of Russia, 
to Cathaya as followeth. 

First from Astracan to Serackicke by land^ trauailing at leasure 
as merchants vse with wares is 10. dayes iourney. 

From Serachike to a towne named Vrgenshe,^ 15. dayes. OrYrgence. 

From Vrgenshe to Bogarskie^ 15. dayes. 

From Bogharskie to Cashar^ 30. dayes. 

From Cashar to Cathaya^ 30. dayes iourney. 

By the same partie a note of another way more sure to trauelly 
as he reporteth.^ 

From Astracan to Turkemen by the Caspian sea, 10. dayes 
with barkes. 

From Turkemen by land specially with camels, bearing the 
weight of 15. poodes for their common burthens, is 10. dayes to 

1 Eakl, 1589, pp. 387-389. 

* The journey from Seraichik {ante^ p. 62) to Urgendj, according 
to Pegolotti, took twenty days in camel waggons. Ibn Batuta makes 
it thirty days' journey. 

3 Bokhara, ante, p. 81. * Kashgar. 

* This second itinerary by the same author allows only ten days for 
the voyage from Astrakhan to Turkomania (presumably Mangishlak 
peninsula, or Tiuk-Karagan bay, a favourite anchorage on this coast, 
and starting-place of caravans). Jenkinson took twenty-eight days on 
the voyage ; and Abbott, in 1840, was ten days sailing from Fort Novo- 
Alexandrofsk to the mouth of the Ural. From the Caspian to 
Urgendj was a journey of twenty to twenty-five days for laden 
camels ; not ten, as the report has it. 


From Vvgenshe to Bogharskie, 15. dayes. 

Note. — At this citie of Boghar is the marte or meeting place 
betweene the Turkes and nations of those partes and the 

Also the toll there is the 40. part to be paid for merchandizes 
or goods. 

From thence to Cashar or Cashar is one moneths ioumey, and 
from Cashar or Caskar (being the frontier of the great Can, 
hauing many townes and fortes by the way) is also a moneths 
traueil for merchants by land to Cathay. 

Further as he hath heard (not hauing bene in those partes him- 
selfe) ships may saile from the dominions of Cathaia vnto India. 
But of other waies, or how the Seas lie by any coast he knoweth 

The instruction of another Tartarian Merchant dwelling in the 
citie of Boghar, as he hath learned by other his countrymen 
which haue bene there. 

Or Sera- First from Astraxian by sea to Serachocke, is 15. dayes (affirming 

also that a man may traueil the other way before written by 

From Serachocke to Vrgenshe is 15. dayes. 

From Vrgenshe to Boghar also 15. dayes. 

Note. — These last 30. daies ioumey is without habitation of 
houses, therefore trauellers lodge in their owne tents, carying with 
them to eate their seuerall prouisions : and for drinesse there 
be many wels of faire water at equal baiting places not farre 
distant daily to be had. 
OrTaskent. From Boghar to Taskan^ easie trauelling with goods, is 14. 
dayes by land. 

From Taskan to Ocdent^ 7. dayes. 

From Ocdent to Caskar 20. daies. This Cashar is the head 
towne or citie of another prince, lying betweeue Boghar and 
Cathaia^ called JReshit can.^ 

1 Tashkend. 

2 Uzkand, site of some ancient ruins, supposed to be of Greek 
origin. — Schuyler^ ii, 46. * Rashid Khan. 


From Caskar to Sowchik^^ 30. dales iourney, which Sowchick 
is the first border of Catliay. 

From Swjockick to Camckick^ 5. dayes iourney, & from Cam- 
chick to Cathay is two moneths iourney, all the way being 
inhabited, temperate and well replenished with innumerable 
fruits, and the chiefe citie in that whole land is called CamhuloOy^ baiuf""^" 
which is yet 10. dales iourney from Cathay. 

Beyond this land of Cathay which they praise to be ciuil and 
vnspeakably rich, is the countrey named in the Tartarian tongue 
Cara-calmacky inhabited with blacke people : but in Cathay the 
most part thereof stretching to the sunne rising, are people white 
and of faire complexion. Their religion also as the Tartares 
report is Christian, or after the manner of Christians, and their lan- 
guage peculiar, dififering from the Tartarian tongue. 

There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the 
wales aforesaid, but wolues white and blacke. And because that 
woods are not of such quantltle there, as in these partes of Russia, 
but in maner rather skant then plentifull, as is reported, the 
Beares breed not that way, but some other beasts (as namely one 
in Eusse called Barse^) are in those coasts. This Barse appeereth 
by a skinne of one scene here to sell, to be neere so great as a big 
lion spotted very faire, and therefore we here take it to be a 
Leopard or Tiger. 

Note. — 20. dayes iourney from Cathay is a countrey named 
Angrim^ where liueth the beast that beareth the best muske, & 

^ Suh-chau. 2 Kan-chau. 

* Khanbalik (Peking), * Barse, Russian for leopard. 

* The name Angrim is a puzzle, but the allusion is evidently to 
Thibet, the country of the musk deer (Moschus moschiferus). The 
musk is taken, not from the knee of this animal, but from a bag 
situated beneath the skin of the abdomen. Great numbers were killed 
for the sake of this scent, which fetched a high price in the Middle 
Ages. — Yule's Marco Polo, passim; Cathay, clxxiv ; Jardine's 
Naturalises Library, xi, 116. 

This note verges on the fabulous, or, as suggested in the margin, 
takes after Sir John Mandeville's extraordinary stories published in 
the first edition of Hakluyt. His chapter on pigmies should be read 
with it : and Marco Polo's on the marvellous people with golden teeth 
inhabiting the borders of Yunnan. 


the principal therof is cut out of the knee of the male. The 
Madeuiiie people are tawnie, & for that the men are not bearded nor differ 

Bpeaketh . , . ^ • -, 

hereof. m Complexion fro women, they haue certame tokens of iron, that 
is to say : the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their 
shoulders, and women on their priuie partes. Their feeding is 

OrKitay. rawc flesh in the same land, and in another called Titay,^ the 
Duke there is called Can ; they worship the fire, and it is 34. dayes 
iourney from great Cathay, and in the way lieth the beautiful! 
people, eating with kniues of gold, and are called Comorom^ and 
the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay. 


The instructions of one of Fermia, who reporteth he had bene 
at Cathay the way before written, and also another way neere 
the sea coast, as followeth, which note was sent out of Prussia 
from Giles Holmes. 

Pechora but First from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora^ 
iourney by and from Pechora trauelliug with olens^ or harts, is sixe dayes 

land or 

water fro' iourney by land, and in the Sommer as much by water to the 
riuer of 06.* 

The Ob is a riuer full of flats, the mouth of it is 70. Russe 
miles ouer. And from thence three dayes iourney on the right 
hand is a place called Chorno-lese,^ to say in English, Blacke 

1 Kithai, or Cathay, as China was known to the people of Inner 

2 Comorom is probably an erroneous rendering of Kara muren, as 
the Hoang ho, or Yellow River, was known among Mongols. (See 
M. Polo, ii, 69, seqq.; Hakluyt, 1589, p. 54.) 

^ Russian for deer of all kinds, particularly for reindeer. 

* Steven Burrough was the first Englishman to attempt to reach 
the Obi by water in 1556. He entered the mouth of the Pechora, 
met with Samoyeds, whom he describes, and brought home reports of 
the Obi, which he learned from masters of coasting vessels engaged in 
hunting walrus. One of his informants was Theodor (Feodor), possibly 
the same as the " Pheother Torotigin", author of the following report. 
—HakL, 1589, pp. 311-21. 

^ Correctly translated, " black forest". The name is of no import- 
ance beyond showing that Russians had visited the Obi, and had 
penetrated some distance up it, for there were no trees for some 
distance from its mouth. 


woods, and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-conyy 
wearing their haire by his description after the Irish fashion/ 

From Pechey-cony to loult Calmachey 3. dayes iourney, and 
from thence to Chorno Callachay 3. dayes tending to the South- 

These two people are of the Tartarian faith, and tributaries to 
the great Can. 

Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds^ which 

dwell vpon the riuer Ob, and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same, 

taken out of the Russe tongue word by word, and trauelled 

by a Russe borne in Colmogro, whose name was Pheother 

Towtigin, who, by report, was slaine in his second 

voyage in one of the sayd countreys. 

Vpon the East part beyond the countrey of Ygori^ the riuer Oh 
is the most Westermost part thereof. Vpon the sea coast dwell 
SamoedSy and their countrey is called Molgomzeyj^ whose meat is 
flesh of olens or harts, and fishe, and doe eate one another some- 

1 The name of this people affords no clue to their identity, while 
the description merely points to their being barbarians similar in 
aspect to the Irish kernes employed in the Netherlands towards the 
end of the sixteenth century. " It seemed", said one who had seen 
them, " that they belonged not to Christendom but to Brazil." — 
Motley's United Netherlands, ii, 155. 

2 For a description of the Samoyedes, see note on p. 36. 

^ Vgori (Ugria), on Jenkinson's map " lorghoria", the country of 
" Zlata Baba", or Golden Old Woman, worshipped by the people of 
Obdora at the mouth of the Obi. The fable, as given in Herberstein 
(ii, 41), is figured by our author, who represents the statue apparently 
with both son and grandson. The name " Ugria" has been given to 
a race classed by Dr. Latham among the Turanian Altaic MongolidsB, 
and comprising Lapps, Finns, and Permians in the north and north- 
west of Russia, Magyars in Hungary, Voguls and Ostiaks of Siberia. 
Our word " ogre" is perhaps derived from this people. 

^ Molgomzey occurs in the extreme north- east corner of Jenkinson's 
map as " Molgomzaia". 


times among themselues. And if any merchants come vnto them, 
then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them 
withall. And if a merchant chance to die with them, they burie 
him not, but eate him, and so doe they eate them of their owne 
countrey likewise. They be euill of sight and haue small noses, 
Traueiiing b^^ ^jjey be swift and shoote very wel, and they trauaile on harts 
and dogs, ^ud on dogges, and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes. 
They have no merchandise but sables onely. 

2. Item, on the same coast or quarter beyond those people, and 
by the sea side also doeth dwell another kind of Samoeds in like 
maner, hauing another language. One moneth in the yeere they 
line in the sea, and do not come or dwell on the drie land for that 

3. Item, beyond these people, on the sea coast, there is 
another kind of Samoeds^ their meate is flesh and fish, and their 
merchaundise are Sables, white and blacke Foxes (which the Russes 
call Pselts^) and harts skins and fawnes skins. 

The relation of Chaggi Memet, a Persian Merchant, to 

Baptista Ramusius and other notable citizens of Venice, touching 

the way from Tauris, the chiefe citie of Persia, to Campion, 

a citie of Cathay, ouerland: in which voiage he himself e 

had passed before with the carauans.^ 

From Tauris^ to Soltania 

6 dayes iourney. 

From Soltania to Cashin 


From Cashin to Veremi^ 

. 6 

From Veremi to JSri^ . 

. 15 

» Psets, the Arctic fox (Canis lagopus). 

2 Reverse of Iter, in Ramusio Delle Navigazionl e Viaggi^ tom. ii, 
p. 16, 1583 ; also Yule's Cathay, ccxvii.— C. 

3 Tabriz. 

4 Veramin, two marches east of Teheran, close to the ancient Rai. 
(See Cathay, ccxvii.) ^ Herat. 

HADJI Mahomet's route, letter to lane. 107 

From Eri to Boghara . 
From Boghara to Samarchand 
From Samarchand to Caskar 
From Caskar to Acsu . 
From Acsu to Cwhi^ . 
From Cuchi to Chialis^ 
From Chialis to Turfov^ 
From Turf on to Camul* 
From Camul to iSuccuir 
From Succuir to Gauta^ 
From Gauta to Campion 

Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the pro- 
uince of Tangut, from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe 


20 dayes 
5 , 
. 25 


. 20 

. 20 

. 10 

. 10 

. 13 

. 15 


A letter® of Master Anthohie lenhinson vpon his 

retume from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henry Lane^ agent 

for the Moscouie Companie, resident in Vologda, written in 

the Mosco the 18. of September 1559. 

WoRSHiPFULL Sir, after my heartie commendations premised 
with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous 
successe in all your affaires. It may please you to bee aduer- 
tised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard 
Johnson and Bolert lohnson all in health thankes bee to 
God. Wee haue beene as farre as Boghar y and had proceeded 

1 Kucha. ' KArashahr. » Turfan. 

^ Hami. ^ Kao-tai, between Kan-chau and Suh-chau. 

8 Hakluyt, 1599, i, 305. 

^ Henry Lane accompanied Chancellor in his second voyag^ to 
Russia in 1555, and proceeded with him to Mosco the same year. He 
there took part in the interviews and negotiations which led to the 
first grant of privileges to English merchants. (See Hakl.., 1589, 
p. 299.) 


Master len- further on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay, had it not 

kinsons i p i • i 

voyage in- bene lor the incessant and continuall warres which are in 

tended, for 

Cathay. all thcse brutall and wilde countreys, that it is at this 
present impossible to passe, neither went there any carauan 
of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres. And 
although our iourney hath bene so miserable, dangerous and 
chargeable with losses, charges and expenses, as my penne is 
not able to expresse the same: yet shall wee bee able to 
satisfie the worshipfull companies mindes, as touching the 

co^ueril'of discouerie of the Caspian sea,^ with the trade of merchan- 

the caspiai) ^j^^e to bee had in such landes and countreyes as bee there- 
about adiacent, aud haue brought of the wares and commo- 
dities of those countries able to answere the principall with 
profiteer wishing that there were vtterance for as great a 
quantitie kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee 
had in the sales of a small quantitie (all such euill fortunes 
being escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage) for 
then it would be a trade worthie to bee followed. Sir, for that 
I trust you will be here shortly (which I much desire) I will 
deferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming, 
as well touching my trauel, as of other things. Sir John 

rnd?rom° Luckc^ departed from hence toward England the seuenth of 

by Sweden. 

^ By discovery we must understand exploration, the Caspian Sea 
having been discovered and sailed over centuries before Jenkinson's 
time. (See curious representation of an earlier navigation on Catalan 
map, 1375.) 

2 From this passage — the only reference to the subject— it is to be 
inferred that the journey to Bokhara was not a failure from a com- 
mercial point of view. 

3 Sir John Locke is erroneously mentioned by Fox Bourne, in his 
English Seamen under the Tudors (vol. i, p. 108), as having accom- 
panied Jenkinson to Aleppo in 1553. His name occurs (HakL, 1599, 
ii, p. 114) as one of the earliest traders to the Levant, and Thomas 
Locke (probably a relation) was one of the adventurers in the second 
voyage to Guinea in 1554 {HakL, 1589, p. 89). A namesake 
of the first, and perhaps descendant, the celebrated author of the 
Human Undefr standing, wrote the history of navigation prefixed to 
Churchill's collections of voyages, recently reprinted in the collected 
works of John Locke. — C. 


this present, and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden, 
by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Companie, and 
haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro 
to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke myselfe 
for England, declaring that my seruice shall not be needfull 
here, for that you are a man able to serue their worships in 
greater affaires than they haue heere to doe, so farre as I 
perceiue. As touching the Companies affaires here, I referre 
you to Christopher Hudsons^ letters, for that I am but newly 
arriued. Hauing here but little businesse to doe, I send you 
Richard lohnson to helpe you there in your affaires. Thus 
giuing you most heartie thanks for my wench Aura Soltana,^ young ^ * 
I commend you to the tuition of God, who send you health which hJ^ ^ 

•^i- 1- 1. J • gauetothe 

With hearts desire. Queene 

■XT J - 1 afterwarde. 

Your assured to command 

Anthonie Ienkinson. 

The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Emperour of 

Buasia, requesting Ucence, and safe conduct for Master Anthony 

lenkinsoTiy to passe through his kingdome of Russia, into 

Persia to the Great Sophie.^ 

Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England etc. to 
the right excellent, and right migbtie Prince, Lorde John 
VasUiwiche, Emperour of aU Russia, etc. greeting, and most 

^ Christopher Hudson, whose name occurs in George Killingworth's 
letter, went out to Russia in Chancellor's second voyage, and was 
afterwards, in 1570, chief agent of the Russia Company at Narva. — 
Hakl, 1589, pp. 299, 301, 426, acq. 

2 This is the only allusion to Aura Soltana, whom Jenkinson may 
have picked up at Astrakhan on his outward journey, for he mentions 
(^ante^ p. 58) that he could have bought' there a boy or a wench for a 
loaf of bread. If this surmise be correct, it is probable that our 
traveller would have sent the girl back to Mosco or Vologhda, en- 
trusting her to the care of his friend and countryman, Henry Lane. — C. 

3 In Latin and English.— ^aA;/My<, 1589, 359-361. 


happie increase in all prosperitie. Right Mightie Prince, the 
amitie of your Maiestie towards vs, and our Subiects, is very- 
pleasant to vs to be remembred, which being begunne by 
the goodnes of God, in the raigne of our most deere brother 
of happie memorie, King Edward the Sixt, and afterwardes, 
through your not onely singular humanitie, fedde and 
nourished but also through your incredible goodnes increased, 
and augmented, is nowe so firmed, and established, with all 
manner of tokens of your beneuolence, that nowe wee doubt 
not, but that from hence foorth, during many ages, the same 
shall endure to the praise of God to both our glories, to the 
publike great commoditie of our Realmes on either part, and 
to the priuate desired hope, and certaine felicitie of all our 

And although that this your goodnes hath bene abound- 
antly extended to all our Subiects, that haue at any time 
repaired into any part of your Empire, for the which wee 
giue (as reason is) your Maiestie right hartie thankes, and 
will againe shewe the like vnto yours, right willingly, when- 
soeuer opportunitie shall require: yet the aboundance of 
your benignitie both in receauing, and also in entertayning 
our faithfull, and beloued seruant, Anthonie lenJcinson, the 
bringer of these our letters, is vnto vs for him priuately very 
thankefull. For besides this, that in all places of your 
Empire, he not onely by your Maiesties sufferance, but also 
by your commandement, enioyed much libertie, and great 
friendshippe, your goodnes not ceasing in this your domes- 
ticall disposition of clemencie, did right willingly, and of 
your owne aboundant grace, commende the same our well- 
beloued seruant, by your letters, sealed with your Imperiall 
seale, to sundry forren Princes, vnto whome he was minded to 
iourney: which your magnificence did purchase vnto him 
happily, and according to his desire, both passage without all 
perill, through your notable credite, and also atchieuing of his 
iourney through your commendation. 


Therefore like as these your duplicated beneuolences, both 
that one generally exhibited to all our Subiectes, frequenting, 
that your Kealme, and also this the other extended apart to 
this our right faithfuU seruant Anthonie lenkinson, is right 
assuredly fastened in our remembrance not onely for a perpe- 
tuall, and grateful! memoriall, but also for a mutuall and 
meete compensation : so wee desire of your Maiestie, to 
vouchsafe from hence foorth to conserue and continue the 
geminate disposition of your beneuolences, both generally to 
all our Subiects, and also priuately to this our beloued ser- 
uant. And we doubt not but at our request, you will againe 
gratiously shewe vnto the same Anthonie, nowe admitted into 
our seruice, the like fauour as heretofore your Maiestie of 
your meere notion, did exhibite vnto him being then a priuate 
person. And therefore wee desire your Maiestie eftsoones to 
graunt to the same our seruant, your letters of licence, pas- 
port, and safe conduct, through the tenor, authoritie and helpe 
whereof, he, his seruants, together with their marchandizes, 
baggages, horses and goods whatsoeuer, that shall be brought 
in, or carried out, by or through all your Empire, kingdome, 
dominions, and prouinces, may surely, and freely iourney, goe, 
passe, repasse, depart, and there tarry so long as it shall 
please him : and from thence returne, whensoeuer it shall 
seeme good to him, or his : and as wee doubt not, but that 
your Maiestie in the goodnes of your nature, will gratiously 
and aboundantly grant all these good offices of humanitie, so 
wee doe hartely desire, that your Maiestie will likewise vouch- 
safe to commende the same our seruant, together with all his 
goods, by your letters, to other forren Princes, and specially to 
the Great Sophie, and Emperour of Persia, into whose Empire, 
and Jurisdictions, the same our seruant purposeth with his 
for to iourney chiefly for triall of forreine marchandizes. 

We therefore doe trust, that all these our demands shall 
tende, and haue effect, according to the hope of our seruant, 
and to our expectation, for your wealth, for the commoditie 

112 THE queen's letter TO THE SHAH. 

of both our Subiects, hickie to him, thankefull to vs, accept- 
able to your Maiestie, and very profitable to our Subiects on 
either part. God grant vnto your Maiestie long and happie 
felicitie in earth and euerlasting in heauen. Dated in our 
famous Citie of London, the 25. day of the moneth of Aprill 
in the yeere of the creation of the world, 5523. and of our 
Lorde God lesus Christ, 1561. and of our raigne, the third. 

The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Great Sophie^ 

of Persia, sent by Master Anthony lenkinson.* 

Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queeue of England, &c. 
Swriue^S^ To the right mightie and right victorious Prince, the Great 
Italian^ *" Sophie, Emperour of the Persians, Medes, Farthians, Hyrcanes, 

Garmanarians, Margians^ of the people on this side, and 

» GeoflPrey Ducket erroneously defines "Sophi" as Persian for 
"beggar" (ffaJcL, p. 422), doubtless referring to the numerous 
religious mendicants in the East. Sophi, Sufi or Safi was a philosophy, 
and became the surname of a dynasty of Persian monarchs, who 
adopted the tenets of the " Sufi ". Shah Ismail Sufi developed this 
religion in Persia {circa 1500). The word is the Arabic " Safi", pure, 
clear, bright, also just, upright. The Greek cocpo^, whence our word 
sophistry is probably derived. 

2 In Latin and English.— RaJcluyt, 1589, 361-2. 

3 This style and title must have included much more than the 
Shah of Persia could, even in those days, claim ; nor do the names 
enumerated represent distinct nationalities, as they did in the ancient 
Persian empire. They were used merely to add to the dignity and 
importance of the Shah in his own eyes. It is needless to refer 
to the Medes and Parthians ; of the others here mentioned, the 
Hy r canes sv ere the inhabitants of Hyrcania, south-east of the Caspian, 
its chief town being Hyrcania, i.e.^ Djurdjan or Hurgen, now marked 
by some ruins. The Garmanarians, i.e., (Jarmanians, inhabited that 
province of Persia now known as Kerman, bordering on the Indian 
Ocean ; while the Margians, or inhabitants of Margiana, joined Bactria 
on the east, and took their name from the river Margus, the Murghab 
of the present day, on which once stood the city of Antiochia 
Margiana, in modern times the undeservedly celebrated Merv. 

THE queen's letter TO THE SHAH. 113 

beyond the Eiuer of Tygris, and of all men, and nations, 
betweene the Caspian sea, and the gulph of Persia, greeting, 
and most happie increase in all prosperitie. By the goodnes 
of the Almightie God, it is ordayned that those people, which 
not onely the huge distance of landes, and the inuincible 
widenes of Seas, but also the very quarters of the heauens 
doe most farre separate, and sette asunder, may neuerthelesse 
through good commendation by writing, both ease, and also 
communicate betweene them, not onely the conceaued 
thoughts or deliberations, and grate full offices of humanitie, 
but also many commodities of mutuall intelligence. Therefore 
whereas our faithfuU, and right welbeloued seruant Anthonie 
lenkinson, bearer of these our letters, is determined with our 
license, fauour and grace, to passe out of this our Eealme,. 
and by Gods sufferance to trauell euen into Persia, and other 
your Jurisdictions : wee minde truely with our good fauour, 
to sette forward, and aduance, that his right laudable 
purpose: and that the more willingly, for that this his 
enterprise is onely grounded vpon an hones.t intent, to 
establish trade of marchandize with your Subiects, and 
with other strangers traffiking your Realmes. Wherefore 
we haue thought good, both to write to your Maiestie, and 
also to desire the same, to vouchsafe at our request, to grant 
to our saide seruant Anthonie lenldnson, good pasports, and; 
safe conducts, by meanes, and authoritie whereof, it may be 
free and lawful! for him, together with his familiars, seruants„ 
cariage, marchandize, and goods whatsoeuer, through your 
Eealmes, Dominions, Jurisdictions, and Prouinces, freely, and 
without impeachment, to iourney, goe, passe, repasse, depart, 
and tarry so long as he shall please, and from thence to 
returne whensoeuer he or they shall thiuke good. If these 
holye -duties of entertainment, and sweete offices of naturall 
humanitie, may be willingly concluded, sincerely embraced, 
and firmely obserued betweene vs, and our Eealmes, and 
Subiects, then wee doe hope, that the Almightie God will 


bring it to passe, that of these small beginnings, greater 
moments of things shall hereafter spring, both to our furni- 
ture, and honors, and also to the great commodities and vse 
of our peoples : so it will be knowen, that neither the earth, 
the seas, nor the heauens, haue so much force to separate vs, 
as the godly disposition of naturall humanitie, and mutuall 
beneuolence, haue to ioyne vs strongly together. God grant 
vnto your Maiestie, long and happie felicitie in earth, and 
perpetuall in heauen. Dated in England, in our famous 
Citie of London, the 25. day of the moneth of Aprill, in the 
yeere of the creation of the world, 5523. and of our Lord 
lesus Christ, 1561. and of our Eaigne the third. 

A remembrance giuen by vs the Gouernours, Con- 
suls, and A ssistants of the companie of Marchants, trading into 
Russia, the eight day of May 1561. to our trustie friend e 
Anthonie lenkinson, at his departure towards Russia, 
and so to Persia, in this our eight iourney.^ 

First you shall vnderstand, that we haue laden in our good 
shippe, called the Swallowe, one Chest, the keyes whereof 
wee doe here deliuer you, and also a bill, wherein are written 
particularly the contents in the saide Chest, and what euery 
thing did coste : and because, as you knowe, the saide Chest 
is of charge, wee desire you to haue a speciall regarde vnto 
it, and when God shall sende you vnto Musko, our minds and 
will is, that you, with the aduise of our Agents there, doe 
appoynt some such presents for the Emperour, and his sonne, 
either wine, clothe of golde, scarlet, or plate, as to your good 
discretion shall be thought meet, and when you haue deli- 
uered vnto him the Queenes Maiesties letters, and our said 
present in the name of the company, we thinke it good that 
you make your humble sute vnto his highness in our name, 

» ffakhyf, 1589, p. 362. 


to get his licence or safeconduct for you and all other our 
seruants or Agents at all times heereafter, with such wares 
and merchandize as you at this time, or they heerafter at all 
other times shall thinke good, to passe out of his dominions 
towards Tartaria, Persia, or other places, and also to returne 
vnto Mosco with such wares and merchandizes as you shall 
bring or send from any land or countrey that is not in 
his dominions, and if it be thought good by you and our 
Agents there to make composition with the Emperor or his 
ofi&cers for some certaine custome or tole vpon such goods as 
we shall passe that way, to the intent we might be the better 
fauoured, we referre it to your discretion, foreseeing that the 
opening of this matter be not preiudiciall vnto our former 

And for the sale of our cloth of golde, plate, pearles, 
saphyres, and other iewels, we put our trust and confidence 
in you, principally to sell them for ready mony, time to 
good debters, or in barter for good wares, so that you make 
our other Agents priuy how & for what price you sell any 
of the premises, and also deliuer such summes of mony, 
billes or wares as you shall receiue, vnto our said Agents : 
thinking good, further, that if you perceiue that the plate or 
other iewels, or any part thereof will not be solde for profit 
before your departure from the Mosco, that then you cause 
them to be safe packed, and set order they may be sent 
hither againe in our shippes the next yeere, except you per- 
ceiue that there may be some profit in carrying some part of 
them into Persia, which we would not to be of any great value. 

"We haue also laden in the said Swallow and the other two 
ships, 80. fardles,^ conteining 400. karsies,* as by the enuoys^ 

1 Fardles. Old French. The old form of far deau^ a pack, bundle, 
was probably derived from Arab./ardoA, a package. — Skeat, p. 203 — C. 

2 Karsie (kersey), a coarse woollen cloth, so called after the village 
of Kersey, in Suffolk, where the woollen trade was established by a 
colony of Flemings. — Isaac Taylor, Words and Places, p. 292. 

^ Fr. envois, i.e., invoices.. 


do appeare, which fardles be packed, and appointed to be 
caryed into Persia : neuerthelesse if you chance to finde good 
sales for them in the Mosco, we thinke it were good to sell 
part of them there, and to cary the lesse quantity with you, 
because we be vncertaine what vent or sale you shall finde in 
Persia or other places where you shall come. 

If you obtaine the Eniperours licence to passe out of his 
dominions, and to returne, as aforesaid, and that you perceiue 
you may safely do the same, our minde is, that at such time 
as you thinke best and most conuenient for that pourpose, you 
do appoint so many, & such of our hyred seruants or appren- 
tises as you thinke necessary & meet for our affayres, and 
may best be spared to go with you in your said voyage, 
whereof we would one to be such as you might make priuie of 
all your doings for diuers considerations and causes that may 
happen : which seruants & apprentises, we wil and command, 
by this our remembrance, to be obedient vnto you as vnto vs, 
not onely to go with you, and to do such things as you 
command them in your presence, but also to go vnto such 
countries or plf^ces as you shall appoint them vnto, either 
with wares or without wares, and there to remaine and con- 
tinue so long as you shall thinke good, and if they or any of 
them will refuse to do such things as you do appoint them, 
as aforesaid, or that any of them (be he hyred seruant or 
apprentise) do misuse himselfe by any manor of disobedience 
or disorder, and will not by gentle and fayre meanes be re- 
formed, we will that you send him back to the Mosco, with 
straight order that he may be sent from thence hither, and 
let vs haue knowledge of his euill behauior, to the intent 
that if he be a hyred seruant we may pay him his wages 
according to his seruice, and if he be an apprentise we may 
vse him according to his deserts. 

We will also that you take with you such karsies, scarlet, 
& other clothes, or any other such wares of ours, as you shall 
thinke good, and so in the name of God to take your iourney 


towardes Persia, either by the way of Astracan and Mare 
Caspium, or otherwise, as you shall see cause : and when 
God sendeth you into Persia, our minde is, that you repayre 
vnto the great Sophie with the Queenes Maiesties letters, if 
he be not too farre from the Caspian sea for you to trauell, 
and that you make him such a present as you shall thinke 
meete, and if you passe by any other kinges, princes, or 
gouernours, before or after you come to the presence of the 
Sophie, likewise to make them some present, as you see cause 
according to their estate and dignitie, and with all to procure 
letters of priuilege or safeconduct of the sayd Sophie or 
other princes in as large and ample maner as you can, for the 
sure establishing of further trade in merchandize by vs heer- 
after to be made, frequented and continued in those parts, 
not onely that we may freely sell in all places within his 
dominions such wares as we cary thither, but also buy and 
bring away any maner of wares or merchandizes whatsoeuer 
it be, that is for our purpose and commoditie within his 
dominions, with free passage also for vs at all times to passe 
as often as we will with our goods and merchandize into 
any part of India or other countryes therevnto adioyning, 
and in like maner to returne through his dominions into 
Russia or elswhere. 

And for the sale of our karsies or other wares that you 
shall haue with you, as our trust is that you will doe for our 
most profite and commoditie : euen so we referre all vnto 
your good discretion, as well in the sale of our sayd goodes, 
as to make our returne in such thinges as you shall finde 
there, and thinke best for our profite. But if passage can 
not be had into Persia by Astracan, or otherwise, the next 
Summer, which shall be in the yeere 1562. then our minde is, 
that you procure to sell our karsies, and other such wares as 
are appoynted for Persia, in the Mosco or other the Erape- 
rours dominions, if you may sell them for any reasonable price, 
and then to employ your selfe with such other of our seruantes 


The pass- as you. sliall think meete for the search of the passage by Nona 
Zembia. " ZerMa} or els you to returne for England as you thinke 
good. Prouided alwayes that if you doe perceiue or vnder- 
stand, that passage is like to be had into Persia the Summer 
following, which shall be in the yeere 1563, and that you can 
not sell our karsies in the Emperours dominions, as afore- 
sayd, at a reasonable price : then we will rather they may be 
kept till the sayd Summer in the yeere 1563. and then you to 
proceed forwards vpon your iourney towards Persia, as afore- 
sayd. If passage into Persia can not be obteined the next 
yeere, neither good hope of passage in the yeere 1563. neither 
yet in the meane time, good sale of our karsies in the Empe- 
rours dominions, then we thinke good for you to see if you 
can practise to cary your sayd wares by safe conduct 
through Polonia, or any other wayes vnto GonstantiiKyple, or 
els where you thinke better sale may be had, then in 

Thus haue we giuen you to vnderstand our meaninges in this 
intended aduenture : but forasmuch as we do consider and 
know, that if we should prescribe vnto you any certaine way, 
or direct order what you should doe, we might so worke 
cleane contrary to our purpose and intent : therefore know- 
ing your approoued wisedome with your experience, and also 
your carefnll and diligent minde in the atchieuing and bring- 
ing to good successe (by the helpe of almighty God) all 
thinges that you take in hand, we doe commit our whole 
afiayres concerning the sayd aduenture whollie vnto your 
good discretion, praying God so to prosper you, as may be 
first for his glory, secondly, for the honour and commoditie of 

* Steven Burrough sailed through Vaigats Straits in 1556, and 
heard from a coaster of Nova Zembla, or New Land. Burrough was 
the first Englishman to hear of it, and his partial success in navigating 
towards the North-East led to subsequent expeditions organised by 
the Muscovy Company. (See Hakl., 1589, p. 318.) 


this realme, and next for our profit, with the increase of your 
good name for euer. 

And yet further desiring, and also most earnestly requiring 
you as you tender the state of our company, that you will 
haue a speciall regard vnto the order of our houses & our 
seruants, as well at Colmogro and Vologda, as at Mosco, and 
to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our seruants 
or apprentises, whereby you thinke we might heerafter be 
put to hinderance or losse of any part of our goods or priui- 
lege there, that you do not onely see the same reformed, but 
also to certifie vs thereof by your letter at large, as our trust 
is in you. 

And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and 
goodnesse of such things as we do partly suppose you shall 
finde in the parties of Russia, we doe heerewith deliuer you a 
quantitie of certaine drugges, whereby you may perceiue how 
to know the best, and also there is noted the prices of such 
wares and drugges as be heere most vendible : also we 
deliuer you heerewith one pound and one ounce weight in waights 

'J r o and drugs 

brasse, to the end, that you may therby, and with the bill of J^^^^®'"?'? ^ 
prices of wares know what things be worth heere. As for *°^ 
the knowledge of silks, we need not to giue you any in- 
structions therof, other then you know. 

Also if you vnderstand that any commoditie in Russia, be 
profitable for vs to haue with you into Persia or other places. 
our mindes is that our Agents shall either prouide it for you, 
or deliuer you money to make prouision your selfe. And 
because the Kusses say that in trauelling Eastwards from 
Colmogro thirtie or fortie dayes iourney, there is the maine The maine 
sea^ to be found, we thinke that Eichard lohnson might *h''"ti«^ , 

' " dayes Ea3t< 

imploy his time that way by landf and to be at Mosco time ^^^l^J^l^^ 
enough to goe with you into Persia : for if it be true that he 
may trauell to the sea that way, and that he may know how 

1 Probably intended to refer to the Kara Sea. 


many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro, it will be a 
great lielpe for vs to finde out the straight and passage that 
way, if any be there to be had. 

William Gerhard,) _, 

rw, T r Gouernors. 

Thomas Lodge, ) 

William Merrike. 

Blase Sanders. 

A compendious and briefe declaration of the iourney 

of M. Anthonie lenJcinson, from the famous citie of London into the 

lande of Persia, passing in this same iourney through Russia, Mus- 

couia, and Mare Caspium, aliS,s Hircanum, sent and imployed 

therein by the right worshipful! Societie of the Merchants 

Aduenturers, for the discouerie of Lands, Islands, &c. 

Being begunne the foureteenth day of May, Ann. 

1561: and in the third yeere of the raigne of 

the Queenes Maiestie that now is: this 

present declaration being directed and 

written to the foresayd Societie.' 

First imbarking my selfe in a good sliippe of yours, named 
the Swallow, at Grauesend, hauing a fayre and good winde, 
our anker then weyed,^ and committing all to the protection 
of our God, hauing in our sailing diuersitie of windes, and 
thereby forced to direct and obserue sundry courses (not here 
rehearsed, because you haue beene thereof heeretofore amply 
informed) on the foureteenth day of luly, the yeere aforesaid, 
I arriued in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia : and the sixe 
and twentith day of the same moneth, after conference then 
had with your Agents there, concerning your worshippes 
affayres, I departed from thence, passing through the countrey 
of Vago^ and on the eight day of August then following I 

* Hakluyt (1589 ed,, p. 365). This portion of the text has been 
collated with the MSS. in the Hatfield and Helmingham Hall col- 
lections, for access to which we have to thank the courtesy of their 
noble owners. In a few instances where a different reading occurs in 
the MSS., it is given at foot of text. 

2 Both MSS. add: "and so availlinge", i.e., lowering sailes: cf. 
Shakespere "Vailing her high top lower than her ribs" (Merch. Veil., 
.act i, sc. i, line 29). — C. 

3 Vago, or Vaga, was an ancient territorial division of Northern 
Russia, comprising parts of what are now known as the Archangel, 
Vologhda, and Olonetz Governments, and extending along the course 


came to Vologda, which is distant from Golmogro seuen hun- 
dred miles, where I remained foure dayes, attending the 
arriuall of one of your boates, wherein was laden a chest of 
iewels with the present, by your worshippes appoynted for 
the Emperours Maiestie : which being arriued, and the chest 
receiued, I therewith departed toward the citie of Moscouia, 
and came thither the twentith day of the same moneth, 
where I immediatly caused my comming to be signified 
vnto the Secretarie of the Imperiall Maiestie, with the Queenes 
The highnesse letters addressed vnto the same his Maiestie, 


letters to the who informed the Emperour thereof. But his highnesse 

Emperor ^ ^ 

of Russia, hauing great affayres, and being at that present ready to be 
marryed vnto a Lady of Chirchassi} of the Mahometicall 
law, commanded that no stranger, Ambassadour, nor other, 
should come before him for a time, with further straight 
charge, that during the space of three dayes that the same 
solemne feast was celebrating, the gates of the citie should 
be shutte, and that no person, stranger or natiue (certeine of 
his householde reserued) should come out of theyr sayd 

of the Vago, a left tributary of the Northern Dwina, for a length 
of 270, and a breadth of 130 miles. This region was in early days in- 
habited by a tribe known to ethnologists as the Zavolotski Chudi. 
Novgorodian hunters, attracted by the abundance of wild animals in 
the dense forests of Vago, first visited it in the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries, and from that time it came to be included in the Trans- 
Onega half of the Circum-Onega piatina, or fifth, another ancient terri- 
torial division. Upon the fall of Novgorod, Vago was united with 
the Grand Duchy of Mosco, and divided into seven districts. In 1 770 
it was included in the Government of Archangel, its chief town being 
then, as it is now, Vago, or Shenkursk (hence "Vagani", a name 
applied to the peasants of Shenkursk). In 1780 the Vago country was 
again subdivided into two districts, one of which became part of the 
Archangel Government, the other of Vologhda. Jenkinson's route 
would, of course, have lain past this country. — Semeonof. 

^ Circassia. His first wife, Anastasia, having died in 1560, Ivan 
married, 26th August 1561, a Circassian lady, daughter of Temgruk 
(Temruk), one of the most illustrious of the Cherkess princes. She 
is described as charming, and on being admitted into the Greek 
Church, received at her baptism the name of Mary. — Karamsiii^ ix, 41. 


houses during the sayd triumph, the cause thereof vnto this 
day not being knowne. 

The sixt of September following, the Emperour made a 
great feast, whereunto were called all Ambassadours and 
strangers being of reputation, and hauing affayres : amongst 
whom I was one, but being willed by the Secretaries first to 
come, and to shew him the Queenes Maiesties letters, I 
refused so to doe, saying I would deliuer the same vnto the 
Emperours owne handes, and not otherwise : which heard, 
the Secretarie answered, that vnlesse he might first peruse 
the said letters, I should not come into the Emperours pre- 
sence, so that I was not at the feast. Neuerthelesse, I was 
aduertised by a noble man that I was inquired for by the 
Emperours Maiestie, although the cause of my absence was 
to his Maiestie vnknowne. The next day following, I caused 
a supplication to be made, and presented it to his highnesse 
owne handes, and thereby declared the cause of my comming, 
signified by the Queenes Maiesties letters, and the answere of 
his sayd Secretary, most humbly beseeching his Grace that 
he would receiue and accept the same her highnesse letters, 
with such honor and friendshippe, as his letters sent by 
Osepjp Napeya were receiued by the handes of our late Soue- 
reigne lady Queene Mary, or els that it would please his 
highnesse to dismisse me, saying that I would not deliuer the 
said letters but vnto his owne handes for that it is so vsed in 
our countrey. Thus the matter being pondered, and the effect 
of my suplication well disgested, I was forthwith commanded 
to come with the sayd letters before his Maiestie, and so 
deliuered the same into his owne handes, (with such presents 
as by you were appoynted) according to my request, which 
were gratefully accepted, and the same day I dined in his 

' This secretary, who appears to have been unfriendly towards Jen - 
kinson, though generally well disposed towards the English, was pro- 
bably Mikhailof, identical with Ivan Michailof Viscovaty, already 
mentioned {anle^ p. 30). 



Request to 
passe into 

dor from 
the Empe- 
rour of 
Russia to 
Q. Mary. 

Graces presence, with great inter tainment. Shortly after, I 
desired to know whether I should be licenced to passe through 
his highnesse dominions into the land of Persia, according to 
the Queenes Maiesties request : heereunto it was answered, 
that I should not passe thither, for that his Maiestie ment to 
send an armie of men that way into the land of Chircassi, 
wherby my iourney should be both dangerous and trouble r 
some, and that if I should perish therein, it would be much 
to his Graces dishonour, but he doubted other matters, al- 
though they were not expressed. Thus hauing receiued his 
answere, neither to my expectation, nor yet contentation, 
and there remaining a good part of the yeere, hauing in that 
time solde the most part of your karsies and other wares 
appointed for Persia, when the time of the yeere required to 
returne for England, I desired pasport, and post horses for 
money, which was granted : but hauing receiued my pasport 
ready to depart, there came vnto our house there Osip 
Nepeya} who perswaded me that I should not depart that 

Osip, or Osep (Joseph) Nepea had exerted himself before on 
behalf of the Enghsh, not unmindful of the hospitality shown him in 
England. All we know about him is that, being Governor of Vologhda, 
he was appointed by the Tsar his envoy to England in 1554. He 
sailed with Chancellor, and narrowly escaped drowning in the ship- 
wreck in Pitsligo Bay, landing on the coast of Scotland in 
November that year. His first experiences of our countrymen were 
singularly unfavourable, for he lost the greater part of the valuable 
goods he brought, which were plundered by the lawless popula- 
tion of that part of the Scottish coast. Some were restored to him 
through the exertions of the English Government, but the greater part 
was lost, together with the lives of some of his suite. Proceeding by 
land to London, he everywhere received a cordial welcome. On 
approaching the capital, a deputation of the leading citizens, headed 
by the Lord Mayor, came forth to meet him, and conducted him 
through the streets, which were thronged by enthusiastic crowds, to a 
house prepared for him in Fenchurch Street. He was received in 
audience by King Philip and Queen Mary, and entertained most 
hospitably by the Muscovy Company. He returned to Russia in 1557 
with Jenkinson (jcinte^ p. 11), loaded with marks of favour, and bearing 
costly presents to his sovereign. Contemporary historians bear witness 


day, saying that the Einperour was not truely informed, 
imputing great fault to the frowardnesse of the Secretary, who 
was not my friend : before whom comming againe the next 
day, and finding the same Secretary and Osip Nepeya to- 
gether, after many allegations and obiections of things, and 
perceiuing that I would depart, I was willed to remaine 
vntill the Emperours Maiestie was spoken with againe touch- 
ing my passage : wherewith I was content, and within three 
dayes after sending for me, he declared that the Emperors 
pleasure was, tliat I should not onely passe thorow his domi- 
nions into Persia, but also haue his Graces letters of com- 
mendations to f orren princes, with certaine his affayres com- 
mitted to my charge, too long here to rehearse -} wherevpon 
I appointed my selfe for the voyage, and the 15. day of 
March, the yeere aforesaid, I dined againe in his Maiesties 
presence in company of an Ambassdour of Persia and others, 
and receiuing a cuppe of drinke at his Maiesties hands, I 
tooke my leaue of his highnesse, who did not only giue me 
letters as aforesaid, but also committed matter of importance 
&. charge vnto me, to be done when I should arriue in those 
countries whither I intended to go, and hauing all things in 
readinesse for the same voyage, I departed from the citie of 
Mosco the 27. day of Aprill 1562, downe by the great riuer 
of Volga, in company of the said Ambassador of Persia, with 

to the dignity with which Nepea acquitted himself of his ambassa- 
dorial functions, and to the esteem in which he was held. His name, 
which is quite uncommon in Russia, suggests the possibility of his 
having been Scotch by origin, perhaps related to the well-known 
family whose present representative, Lord Napier and Ettrick, was one 
of the most successful of English ambassadors at the Court of St. 
Petersburg in modern times. — Hakl., 1589, pp. 321-326, 338, seqq.; 
Holinshed's Chronicle, p. 1132. 

^ What these affaim were we are unable to say; if they concerned 
the State, perhaps some record of them may be preserved among the 
archives in Mosco. In any case, Ivan gave our traveller an order to 
purchase for him, in Persia, silk and precious stones. (See Karamsin, 
ix, p. 167, and note, p. 617.) 



M. lenkin- 
son's voy- 
acre to 

whom I liad great friendship and conference all the way 
downe the same river vnto Astracan, where we arriued all in 
health the 10. day of lune. 

And as touching the situations of the cities, towns, castles, 
and countryes,^ as well of Mahometans as also of Gen tils 
adioyning to the same, whereby I passed from Mosco vnto 
Astracan, I omit in this breuiat to rehearse, for that I 
heretofore haue declared the same most amply vnto you in 
my voyage to Boghar. Thus being arriued at Astracan, as is 
aforesaid, I repayred vnto the captaine there, vnto whom I was 
commended from the Emperours Maiesty, with great charge 
that he not only should ayd and succor me with all things 
need full during my abode there, but also to safeconduct me 
with 50. gunners well appointed in two strooges^ or brigan- 
tines into the Caspian sea, vntill I had passed certaine dan- 
gerous places which pirats & rouers do accustome to haunt, 
& hauing prepared my barke for the sea, the Ambassador of 
Persia being before departed in a barke of his owne, the 15. 
day of luly, the yeere aforesaid, I and my company tooke 
our voyage from the said Astracan, and the next day at a 
Si cSplSi West sunne,^ passed the mouth of the said riuer being twentie 
miles distant, lying next Southeast."* The 18. at a Southwest 
sunne,^ we passed by three Ilands^ being distant nine miles 
from the said mouth of Volga, and Southsouthwest from 

^ Both MSS. have " and of nations". 

' The stroog, in old Russian, was a river craft propelled by oars and 
sail. Those commonly used on the Western Dvina were of about 150 
tons burden. From the circumstance of their being otherwise called 
" brigantines" in the text, it is probable that a similar craft was em- 
ployed by pirates on the Caspian. The word is derived from strogait, 
to plane. 

3 I.e., 4 p.m. 

* Hatf . MS. has " south-west", doubtless the correct reading. 

* I.e., 2 p.m. 

« There are numerous islands off the mouth of the Volga, and it 
would be hardly possible to identify any three in particular with those 
seen by Jenkinson. 


thence, sailing Southsouthwest tlie next day, at a West by 
North sunne we fell with a land called Challica Ostriua,^ 
beinff foure round Islands together, distant from the said 
three Islands for tie miles. From thence sailing the said 
course the next day, we had sight of a land called Tuke^ in The 

•^ ' ° ' countrey of 

the countrey of Tywmen, where pirats and rouers doe vse : ^ywinen. 
for feare of whom wee haled off into the sea due East fortie 
miles, and fell vpon shallowes out of the sight of land, and 
there were like to haue perished, escaping most hardly : 
then the 22. day we had sight of a goodly Island called ^he^siaiid 
Chataldf distant from the said Challica Ostriua a hundred 

1 Helm. MS. has *^Chatira'\ i.e., four. Cfwtei'i Bugri, "island of 
four hillocks", is mentioned by C. Burrough {HakL, p. 443). This 
island is usually sighted on the voyage from Astrakhan down the 
Caspian, and is marked on modern maps. 

2 Hatf. MS. has " Tuzke"; Helm. "Tirck". The place referred to, 
evidently Terki, is at the mouth of the Terek, where, in 1569, Ivan caused 
a fortress to be erected as a protection to his father-in-law Temruk, and 
to strengthen his own position in this country. This was probably the 
first Russian fortification in Caucasia. It occupied the site of the 
ancient fortress of Tumen, a name which also applied to the low- 
lying flat country to the north-west of the Caspian, spoken of by the 
Venetian envoy, Josapha Barbaro, as " the champaignes of Tumen". 
The fortress of Terki, four years after it was built, was demolished in 
deference to the wishes of Selim Sultan, of Turkey, but the place was 
chosen by Cossacks and other free lances from the Volga for their 
settlement, whence their name "Terek Cossacks". In 1586 the 
town was rebuilt and garrisoned by Streltsi, and from that time 
became an important base of operations for Russia in her advance 
southward. Owing to the fresh importance the place had assumed, its 
fortifications were strengthened in 1646, according to the most im- 
proved system of engineering in those days. But when Peter the 
Great returned from Derbend in 1723, the inhabitants of Terki were 
transferred to new fortresses, and the place was converted into a 
redoubt, garrisoned by 200 men. Terki appears on d'Anville's map of 
the Caspian as a ruined fort. It was visited towards the end of last 
century by Giildenstadt, the traveller, who found remains of the town 
wall still in existence.— Semeonof, art. "Terski". 

•^ Shetly head, not island, is mentioned by C. Burrough {Hakl., p. 449), 
and is probably the land sighted by Jenkinson, who did not approach 
within six miles of it, and might easily have mistaken the promon- 
tory for an island. 


miles, the winde being contrary, and a stiffe gale, we were 
not able to seize it : but were forced to come to an anker to 
the leeward of the same sixe miles off in three or foure 
fathom water, being distant from the maine land to the 
Westward of vs, which was called Skafcayll or Connyke^ a 
countrey of Mahometans, about ^ miles, and so riding at 
two ankers a head, hauing no other prouision, we lost one of 
them, the storme and sea being growne very sore, and thereby 
our barke was so full of leakes, that with continuall pump- 
ing, we had much a doe to keepe her aboue water, although 
we threw much of our goods ouerboord, with losse of our 
boate, and ourselues thereby in great danger like to haue 
perished either in the sea, or els vpon the lee shoare, where w^e 
should haue fallen into the handes of those wicked infidels, 
who attended our shipwracke : and surely it was very vnlike 
that we should haue escaped both the extremities, but onely 

^ Both MSS. have " Shalkaules". The name occurs in C. Bur- 
rough's narrative. He places it twenty-four miles north-north-west of 
Derbend. This country is now comprised within the military district 
(oblast) of Terek. It lies between the right bank of the Terek, the 
left of the Sulak, and the west coast of the Caspian, and is known as 
the Kumyk sub-district (okrug). On the south-west it extends to the 
Katchkalikof chain, an ofFset of the Caucasus range. It is a low-lying 
strip of level land bordering the Caspian, where rivers stop their 
courses before reaching the sea, and form numerous lakes and marshy 
tracts, breeding fevers, for which this region is notorious. Its inhabi- 
tants are chiefly Kumyks, a people of Turkish race, supposed by some 
to be the original stock which peopled this country and have since 
been replenished by Tartars and refugees. They lived under their 
own princes or Shamkhals (evidently the word in the text), to whom 
they paid tribute. They are all Sunni Mohammedans. Their wealth 
consists chiefly of cattle, especially sheep, but they also cultivate 
the soil and own vineyards. Their first relations with Russia date 
from 1559, when Aghim, prince of the Kumyks of Tumen, became 
her vassal. Afterwards, fortresses were built in their country. In 
1604, the Kumyks rebelled, and obliged the Russian garrisons to leave: 
but in 1722, during Peter the Great's expedition against Persia, they 
renewed their allegiance, and are now completely subdued. — Semeonof 
art. " Kumyksky". 

2 A blank in both editions of Hakluyt and in the MSS. 


by the power and mercy of God, for the storme continued 
seuen dayes, to wit, vntill the thirtieth day of the same 
moneth : and then the winde comming vp at the West with 
fayre weather, our anker weyed, and our saile displayed, 
lying South, the next day hailing to the shore with a West 
sunne, we were nigh a lande called by the inhabitantes 
Shyruansha^ and there we came againe to an anker, hauing Jfje^jajd ..f 
the winde contrarie, being distant from the sayd Shatalet 150. '**"*• 
miles, and there we continued vntill the third day of August, 
then hauing a fayre winde, winding Southsoutheast, and 
sailing threescore miles, the next day at a Southeast sunne 
we arriued at a citie called Derbent in the King of Hyrcans uerbont 
dominion, where comming to land, and saluting the captaine 
there with a present, he made to me and my company a 
dinner, and there taking fresh water I departed. 

This citie of Derbent^ is an ancient towne, hauing an olde 

1 Shirvansha (Shirvan) formed part of ancient Media, the modern 
Russian Government of Baku, and comprised the valleys of South- 
Eastern Caucasus, bordering with Georgia on the west, and bounded 
by the Caspian on the east ; on the south it extended to the Kur. 
This country was once ruled by its own princes, but fell into the 
hands of Persia in the fourteenth century, and repeatedly changed its 
allegiance during the wars between that country and Turkey. The 
name is probably a compound of Shir, Persian for lion (according to 
Khanikof, lion holder or possessor of lions), and was sometimes applied 
to the Caspian. 

2 The well-known port of Derbend is picturesquely situated between 
the main range of the Caucasus and the Caspian. The town commands 
the only passage along the shore from north to south, and is enclosed 
within high and massive walls, with towers and battlements. Above 
stands the citadel, built, as Jenkinson describes, of fossiliferous lime- 
stone. Outside the walls to the south are vineyards three miles in 
extent. Derbend is said to have been founded by Kobad, a Persian 
monarch of the Sassanian line, and completed by his son, Naoshirwan 
the Just, circa 542 ad. The town was built as a protection to Persia 
against the inroads of Khazars, and no finer situation could have been 
chosen for this purpose. Its name signifies in Persian, "barrier"; 
the Turks called it Demir Kapi, " Iron Gate", and the Arabs Bdh-el- 
Ahwdh, "Gate of Gates". Derbend has been for the most part a 


castle therein, being situated vpon an hill called Castowe 
builded all of freestone much after our building, the walles 
very high and thicke, and was first erected by King Alex- 
ander the great, when he warred against the Persians and 

wau.'^^*^ Medians, and then he made a wall of a woonderfull height 
and thickenesse, extending from the same citie of the 
Georgians, yea vnto the principall citie thereof named 

orTiphiis. Tewflish} whicli wall though it be now rased, or otherwise 
decayed, yet the foundation remayneth, and the wall was 
made to the intent that the inhabitants of that countrey 
then newly conquered by the said Alexander should not 
lightly flee, nor his enemies easily inuade. This citie of 
Derhent being now vnder the power of the Sophie of Persia, 
bordereth vpon the sea, adioyning to the foresaid land of 

degrees. Shalfcall, in the latitude of fortie one degrees. From thence 
sailing Southeast & Southsoutheast about 80. miles, the 
sixth day of August, the yeere aforesaid, we arriued at our 

possession of Persia. In 1722, however, Peter the Great, profiting 
by the disorders in that country, captured this place and left a 
garrison in charge. But six years afterwards Derbend was seized by 
a neighbouring prince, who was, however, obliged to surrender it to 
Nadir Shah. In 1796 it was besieged by Russian forces and taken, 
but was not finally incorporated with Russia till after the Treaty of 
Gulistan, 1813. With reference to the tradition of Alexander the 
Great being its founder see next note. — Semeonof; Yule's Marco 
Polo, i, 55. 

1 Tiflis, founded circa 1063, capital of Georgia, stands on both 
banks of the Kur or Cyrus, and is the residence of the lieutenants of the 
Tzar in Transcaucasia. It is, perhaps, the most thriving and beautiful 
town in his dominions, south and north of the Caucasus. The wall 
mentioned in our text ran inland from Derbend along the ridges of 
the Caucasus, though how far, does not appear to be certain, — Richard 
Eden says thirteen days' journeys ; according to Klaproth's extracts 
from the Derbend nameh, it extended to the Dariel pass. Eichwald 
followed it for twelve miles. Every half mile, substantial towers, 
crested with battlements, were erected upon it. Tradition ascribes it to 
Alexander the Great, who built it to shut up the Tartars, the Gog and 
Magog of the Scriptures, and it bears the title of Sadd-i-Iskandar, 
the rampart of Alexander. — Yule's Marco Polo, 2nd ed., ii, p. 537. 


landing place called Shahra'n}, where my barke discharged : shabran. 
the goods layd on shore, and there being in my tent keeping 
great watch for feare of rouers, whereof there is great plenty, 
being field people, the gouernor of the sayd countrey named 
Alcan Murcy^ comming vnto me, intertayned me very gently, Aican 

. 1 « i? J Murcy the 

vnto whom giumg a present, he appointed for my saiegard gouernor. 
fortie armed men to watch and ward me, vntil he might 
haue newes from the king of Shyruan. The 12. day of the 
same moneth newes did come from the king, with order that 
I should repay re vnto him with all speed : and for expedi- 
tion, as well camels to the number of fine and fortie to cary 
my goodes, as also horses for me and my company were in 
readinesse, so that the goods laden, and taking my iourney 
from thence the said twelft day, on the 18. of the same 
moneth, I came to a citie called Slmmackye,^ in the said 
countrey of Hyrcan, otherwise called Shyruan, and there the 

1 Shabran's Khali (fort) is marked on Monteith's map of Georgia 
and Armenia; on Khatow's, scale 1 :840000, it appears as Izabran-Kaleh, 
on a small river, the Izabran, falling into the Caspian not far from 
Nizabad ; and on Koch's map of the Caucasus. Its position, however, 
seems to have been fixed by d'Anville (see his atlas and map of the 
Caspian) on the coast of Daghestan, about midway between Derbend 
and Baku. It was in the district of Kuba, and is referred to by the 
Arabic author, Chakany, who, speaking of an invasion of Khazars, says, 
apostrophising their sovereign, " Thou madest of Derbend a hell, and 
causedst the lamentations of Shabran" (Dorn, p. 305). Angiolello 
mentions it as an unwalled city four days' march from Derbend. — See 
Zeno, Hakl. Soc., pp. 49, 57 ; Angiolello, ib., p. 113. 

2 Ali Khan Murza. 

3 Shamakye (Shemakha). There were two towns of this name — 
Old and New. The former, Old Shemakha, seen by Jenkinson, was 
destroyed by Nadir Shah in 1740, and is now a heap of ruins. New 
Shemakha, about twelve miles S.E. of the old town, marked by some 
ruins about a mile from the post station of Aksu, suffered terribly 
from earthquakes, and the seat of government was therefore removed 
in 1859 to Baku. The country round Shemakha produced the best 
silk, but the climate was hot and unhealthy. — Dorn, Uber die einf&lle 
Her alien Russen in Tabaristan, p. 121 ; Schiltberger, in Hakl. Soc., 
p. 45. 


king hath a fay re place, where my lodging being appointed, 
the goods were discharged : the next day being the 19. day, 1 
dirow?an ^'^^ ®®^^ ^^^ ^^ comc to the king named Ohdolowcan^ who 
kept his court at that time in the high mountaines in tents, 
distant from the said Shamackye twentie miles, to auoid the 
iniury of the heat: and the 20. day I came before his 
presence,^ who gently interteyned me, and hauing kissed his 
handes, he had me to dinner, and commanded me to sit 
downe not farre from him. This king did sit in a very rich 
pauilion wrought with silke and golde placed very pleasantly, 
vpon a hill side, of sixteene fathom long, and sixe fathom 
broad, hauing before him a goodly fountaine of faire water : 
whereof he and his nobilitie did drinke, he being a prince of 
a meane stature, and of a fierce countenance, richly ap- 
parelled with long garments of silke, and cloth of golde, 
imbrodered with pearles and stone: vpon his head was a 
tolipane* with a sharpe end standing vpwards halfe a yard 
long, of rich cloth of golde, wrapped about with a piece of 
India silk of twentie yards long, wrought with golde, and on 
the left side of his tolipane stood a plume of fethers, set in 
a trunke of golde richly inameled, and set with precious 
stones : his earerings had pendants of golde a handfuU long, 
with two great rubies of great value, set in the ends thereof: 
all the ground within his pauilion was couered with rich 
carpets, and vnder himself e was spred a square carpet wrought 
with siluer & gold, & there vpon was laid two sutable 
cushions. Thus the king with his nobilitie sitting in his 
pauillion with his legs acrosse, and perceiuing that it was 

1 Abdullah Khan, King of Shirvan. His death, on the 2nd of 
December 1565, mentioned by Arthur Edwards, was a great loss to the 
English traders, towards whom he was favourably disposed. See 
Edwards' letter to the Russia Company. — Hahl., p. 377. 

2 Both MSS. add : "with a gifte". 

3 Turban. The Turkish, Persian, and Russian word " tolipan", or 
" tulpan", means a tulip. From its similarity in shape to the flower, 
the Eastern head-dress came to be called by the same word. 


painefuU for me so to sit, his highnesse caused a stoole to be 
brought in, and did will nie to sit thereupon, after my 
fashion. Dinner time then approching, diuers clothes were 
spred vpon the ground, and sundry dishes serued, and set in 
a ranke with diuers kindes of meats, to the number of 140. 
dishes as I numbered them, which being taken away with 
the table clothes, and others spred, a banket of fruites of 
sundry kindes, with other banketting meates to the number 
of 150. dishes, were brought in: so that the two seruices 
occupy ed 290. dishes, and at the end of the said dinner & 
banket, the king said vnto me Quoshe quelde} that is to say, 
welcome : and called for a cup of water to be drawen at a 
fountaine, and tasting thereof, did deliuer me the rest, 
demanding how I did like the same, and whether there were 
so good in our countrey or not : vnto whom I answered in 
such sort, that he was therewith contented : then he proponed 
vnto me sundry questions, both touching religion, and also 
the state of our countryes, and further questioned whether 
the Emperour of Almaine, the Emperour of Russia, or the 
great Turke, were of most power, with many other things 
too long heere to rehearse, to whom I answered as I thought 
most meet. Then he demanded whether I intended to goe 
any further, and the cause of my comming : vnto that I 
answered, that I was sent with letters from the Queenes most ^i^g 
excellent Maiesty of England, vnto the great Sophie, to S^tters^^ 
intreat friendshippe and free passage, and for his safeconduct ^ °^'^^®" 
to be granted vnto English merchants to trade into his 
Segniories, with the like also to be granted to his subiectes, 
when they should come into our countryes, to the honour 
and wealth of both realmes, and commoditie of both theyr 
subiects, with diuers other words, which I omit to rehearse. 
This said king much allowing this declaration, said he would 

1 Khush geldi, Turk., i.e., "welcome", literally " thou art come 
happily". Pietro delle Yalle says Turkish was much spoken in Persia. 
--Pinkcrion, ix, 14. 




of concu. 

not only giue me passage, but also men to safeconduct me 
vnto the sayd Sophie, lying from the foresaid citie of 
Shamakye thirtie days iourney, vp into the land of Persia, 
at a castle called Casbin^ : so departing from the king at that 
time, within three dayes after, being the foure and twentie 
day of August the yeere aforesayd, he sent for me againe : 
vnto whom I repayred in the morning, and the king not 
being risen out of his bedde (for his maner is, that watching 
in the night, and then banketting with his women, being a 
hundred and fortie in number, he sleepeth most in the day) 
did give one commandement that I should ride an hawking 
with many Gentlemen of his Court : and that they should 
shew me so much game and pastime as might be, which was 
done, and many cranes killed : we returned from hawking^ 
about three of the clocke at tlie afternoone. The king then 
risen, and ready to dinner, I was inuited thereunto, and 
approching nigh to the entring in of his tent, and being in 
his sight two gentlemen incountred me with two garmentes 
of that countrey fashion, side down to the ground, the one of 
silke, and the other of silke and golde, sent vnto me from the 
king, and, after that they caused me to put off my vpper 
garment, being a gowne of blacke veluet furred with Sables, 
they put the sayd two garments vpon my backe, and so con- 
ducted me vnto the king, before whom doing reuerence, and 
kissing his hand, he commanded me to sit not farre from 
him, and so I dined in his presence; he at that time being 

1 Casbin (Kazvin), now a miserable place, falling rapidly into 
decay, is seven days' journey east of Tabriz, on the road to Teheran. 
DeUe Valle says that Kazvin continued to be the chief city of Persia 
till Shah Abbas took an aversion to it, and removed his court to 
Ispahan {P'lnkerton^ ix, 72). Olearius remarks that it contained 
100,000 inhabitants in 1637. Glazed tiles, of some beauty in design 
and colour, occasionally found among its ruins, are the only traces 
of its having once been the residence of Persian sovereigns. 

'-^ Hawking was a favouiito pastime of the Kings of Shirvan. Ivan 
111, Grand Duke of Muscovy, sent ninety falcons as a present to an 
earlier King of Shirvan. — Aihanashis Ni/i-iiin, in Ilakl. Sou., p. 4. 


very merry, and demanding of me many questions, and 
amongst other, how I liked the maner of theyr hawking. 
Dinner so ended, I required his highnesse safeconduct for to 
depart towards the Sophie, who dismissing me with great 
fauour, and appointing his Ambassadour (which returned out 
of Eussia) and others, to safeconduct me, he gaue me, at my 
departure, a fay re horse with all furniture, and custome free 
from thence with all my goods. So T returned to Shamakye 
againe, where I remayned vntill the sixt of October, to 
prouide camels, horses, and other necessaries for my intended 

But now before I proceed further, I purpose to write some- 
thing of this countrey of Hyrcan} now called Shyruan, with Thedescrip- 
the townes and commodities of the same. This countrey of ^^yrcania. 
Hyrcan in times past was of great renowne, hauing many 
cities, townes, and castles in it : and the kings thereof in 
time of antiquitie were of great power, able to make warres 
with the Sophies of Persia : but now it is not onely otherwise 
(for that the cities, townes and castles be decayed) but also 
the king is subiect to the sayd Sophie (although they have 
their proper king), and be at the commandement of 
the sayd Sophie, who conquered them not many yeeres Danj?er by 
passed, for theyr diuersitie in religion, and caused not onely religion, 
all the nobilitie and gentlemen of that countrey to be 
put to death, but also ouer and besides, rased the walles 
of the cities, townes, and castles of the said realme, to 
the intent that there should be no rebellion, & for theyr 

* Hyrcania is a misnomer for this country, Shirvan having answered 
to the ancient Media Atropatene, the modern Russian Government of 
Shemakha, or Baku; while Hyrcania lay to the south-east of the Cas- 
pian, probably represented by the modern Persian province of Mazan- 
deran {Zeno^ in Hakl. Soc, p, 49, note). That erroneous ideas pre- 
vailed regarding these Caspian countries in those times is evident from 
the allusion in Milton to the "Hyrcanian cliffs of Caucasus". In 
Ptolemy's time, however, the Caspian Sea was known as Mare 
Hyrcanum.— Pam</ise Re gain'd^ Book in, line 317. 

136 ARRASH. 

great terrour, caused a turret of free stone and flints to be 

erected in the sayd citie called Shamakye^ and in a ranke of 

Barbarous flints of the savd turret did set the heads of the sayd nobilitie 

crueltie. -^ -' 

and gentlemen, then executed^: this citie is distant from the 

sea side, with camels seuen dayes iourney, but now the same 

being much decayed, and chieflie inhabited with Armenians, 

The citie of another citie called Arrash^ bordering vpon the Georgfians, 

Arrash. ^ . o ' 

is the chiefest and most oppulent in the trade of merchandize; 

and thereabouts is nourished tlie most abundant growth of 

raw silke, and thither the Turkes, Syrians, and other strangers 

The com- do rcsort and traffike. There be also diners good and neces- 

modities of 

tbis sarie commodities to be prouided and had in this said realme: 

countrey. ^ 

videlizet, galles, rough and smooth, cotten wooll, allome 
and raw silke of the naturall growth of that countrey. 
Besides, neere all kinde of spices and drugges, and some 
other commodities, which are brought thither from out of 
East India, but in the lesse quantitie, for that they be not 
assured to have vent or vtterance of the same ; but the 
chiefest commodities there, be raw silkes of all sortes, whereof 
there is great plenty. Not farre from the sayd citie of 

1 Ante, pp. 98, 131. 

'^ Olearius made particular inquiries as to the truth of this story, 
which he attributes to John Cartwright, an English traveller in Persia, 
who borrows largely from Hakluyt, but found no foundation for it. 
He confirms, however, our author's statement regarding the ruined 
castle or fortress of Gulistan, with its neighbouring convent and tra- 
ditions. He is of opinion that the name Gulistan, signifying " flower 
garden", was derived from the adjacent valley, which is remarkably 
beautiful. This name is not uncommon in Persia, being given to any 
place of more than ordinary attractions. — Travels of the Hoist ein 
Einhassy in Aloscovy and Tartary (Paris, 1656), p. 273 ; The Preccher's 
Travels, in the Earl of Oxford's collection, vol, i, p. 726. 

3 Arrash is marked Aresh on the transcript of the Russian map of 
Georgia, by Khatow (1826). It stood on the highroad from Baku to 
Tiflif, near the river Kur, in swampy ground. The unhealthincss of 
the place caused the deaths of Banister, Lawrence, Chapman, and 
other Englishmen. Cartwright, in the work just quoted, mentions the 
city of Arasse, and says he was six days travelling thence to Tal>rijs ; 
but he is a plagiarist.— Cf. Montcith's map, R.G.S. 


Shamakye, there was an old Castle called Gullistone} now The stronp; 

CftSLiG or 

beaten down by this Sophie,^ which was esteemed to be one ^e^SjJ"® 
of the strongest castles in the world, and was besieged by Alex- 
ander the great, long time before he could winne it. And not 
farre from the said castle was a Nunnery of sumptuos building 
wherin was buried a kinges daughter, ndimQ&Amelecke Clmnnaf 
who slew herselfe with a knife, for that her father would have 
forced her (she professing chastitie) to haue taarried with a 
king of Tartary, vpon which occasion the maidens of that 
countrey doe resort thither once euery yere to lament her 

Also in the said countrey there is a high hill called Qid- 
quiffs,^ upon the toppe whereof (as it is commonly reported) 
did dwell a great Giant, named Arneoste, hauing vpon his 
head two great homes, and eares, and eyes like a horse, and 
a tayle like a cowe. It is further said, that this monster 

1 Gulistan is marked as a castle close to Old Shemakha, on 
Karte v, d. Kaukasischen Isthmus v. Dr. Karl Koch. Angiolello 
relates that when Shah Ismail attacked Serman-kuli, King of Shirvan, 
in 1509, his captains found Shemakha deserted, the King having 
fled to the strong castle of Culustan ; and another contemporary 
traveller says this castle was cut out of the solid rock and deemed 
to be impregnable. — Angiolello, in Hakl. Soc, p. 112 ; and i6.,p. 189. 

2 Ismail Sufi, not Shah Tahmasp, was the conqueror of Shirvan and 
Georgia (see preceding note). 

' Khanum, Pers. for "lady". The shrine of the chaste Amelek was 
no longer an object of adoration in the time of Olearius, but the 
inhabitants resorted thither in numbers, to escape the sultry heat of 
the valley below. (See Olearius, Travels, etc., p. 274.) Captain Telfer 
says these Virgin's castles {Kiz-kalessi, or Kiz kaleh, identical in 
meaning), with their strange legends, are not uncommon in the East, 
and mentions several instances of them. (See Travels of Johann 
Scldltherger, in Hakl. Soc, p. 149.) The last part of this tradition 
reminds us of Jephtha's daughter. Judges xi, 40. 

* From the fortress of Gulistan, Olearius obtained a view of Mount 
Elbruz, probably the "high hill" of our text. The name here given 
for this mountain bears a resemblance to that by which the Caucasus 
is known to the inhabitants — Kav Kaz {Okarius, p. 275), and the tra- 
ditions connected with Elbruz from the earliest times, round oil' the 
simile. — Sue Ker Porter's Travds, p. 128. 

The towne 
of Yauate. 


kept a passage thereby, vntill there came an holy man (termed 
Haucoire ffamshe^) a kinsman to one of the Sophies, who 
mounted the said hil, and combatting with the said Giant, 
did bind not onely him in chaines, but also his woman called 
Zamisache, with his sonne named After: for which victorie 
they of that countrey haue this holy man in great reputation, 
and the hill at this day (as it is bruited) sauoureth so iU that 
no person may come nigh vnto it. But whether it be true 
or not, I referre it to further knowledge. 

Now to returne to the discourse of the proceeding in my 
voyage towards the great Sophie. The 6. of October in the 
yeere aforesayd, I with my company departed from Shamachie 
aforesayd, and hauing iourneied three score miles came to a 
towne called Yauate,^ wherein the king hath a faire house, 
with orchards and gardens, well replenished with fruites of 
all sorts. By this towne passeth a great riuer called Curr^ 
which springeth in the mountaines of the Georgians, and 
passing through the countrey of Hircania aforesaid, falleth 
in to the Caspian or Hircan Sea, at a place betweene two 
ancient townes called Shahran and Bacowe,^ situate within 
the realme of Hircane, and from thence issueth further, 

* Haucoire, perhaps " Fakir", or dervish. Hamzah was Mahomet's 
uncle, but the personage referred to may probably have been Hamzah 
Beg, prince of the Turkomans of the White Sheep. He reigned in 
Mesopotamia and Cappadocia forty years, and died in 1446, being suc- 
ceeded by his nephew Jehanghir, brother of the celebrated Uzun 
Hassan. — D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale. 

2 Yauate (Jevat), at the confluence of the Kur with the Araxes. 

3 The Kur, or Cyrus, has its source in the Kizil-Gyaduk, 10,340 feet 
above the sea (Sir R. Temple's Asia, p. 359). It loses its name on 
joining the Araxes. These united rivers flow into the Caspian by 
one mouth, about sixty miles south of Baku, not, as Ducket says, 
near Baku, or, as Jenkinson states, between this town and Shabran 
{Hakl., pp. 329, 425), In the time of Strabo the Kur and Araxes 
appear to have entered the sea by separate mouths. 

* Baku and its naphtha springs have been noticed by numberless 
writers, from Jenkinson to the author of a paper in Good Woi-ds 
(1884, p. 95), who calls this ancient town a quondam hamlet. Baku — 


passing through a fruitful! countrey, inhabited with pasturing 
people, which dwell in the Summer season vpon moun- 
taines, and in Winter they remooue into the valleys without 
resorting to townes or any other habitation : and when they 
remooue, they do iourney in Carrauans or troopes of people 
and cattell, carrying all their wiues, children, and baggage vpon 
bullocks. Now passing this wild people ten dayes iourney, 
comming into no towne or house, the 16. day of October we 
arriued at a citie called Ordowill, where we were lodged in The ciue of 

Ordowil or 

a hospital^ builded with faire stone, and erected by this Ardoui. 
Sophies father named Ismael,^ onely for the succour and 
lodging of strangers and other trauellers, wherein all men 
haue victuals and feeding for man and horse, for 3. dayes, and 

since 1859, capital of the Government of the same name — is situated 
in the south-western corner of the peninsula of Apsheron, and possesses 
the finest harbour in the Caspian. Its foundation is referred by Dorn 
to the sixth century. After the Arab conquest it fell under the 
power of the Khans of Shirvan, and suffered greatly from the in- 
vasions of Tokhtamysh and Shah Ismail. From 1509 it formed part 
of Persia, from which it was taken by the Turks, but was retaken by 
the Persian Shah Abbas the Great. In 1723, Baku was captured, 
after a long siege, by a Russian squadron under Matiushkin, but was 
restored to Persia in 1735. In 1806, after the treacherous murder 
of the Russian General, Prince Tsitsianof, whose monument stands 
in the square, it was finally incorporated with Russia. Its name is 
said to be derived from two Persian words, bad, wind, and kuhidah^ 
to beat, the appropriateness of which, as applied to Baku, can hardly 
be denied by anyone who has passed a few days there. — Semeonofy 
art. " Baku". 

1 Caravanserai. 

2 Ismail, father of Shah Tahmasp, was the son of Sheikh Hyder, by 
Martha, daughter of Uzun Hassan, and Despina, daughter of Kalo 
Johannes, one of the last Christian emperors of Trebizond. Ismail 
overthrew the Uzbek power at the battle of Merv Shah Jehan in 
1514, and reigned twenty -five years, dying in 1524. He introduced the 
Sufi or Suffavean religion into Persia ; his father, Sheikh Hyder, 
having been the first to espouse it, whence his followers were also 
called Hyderi. Ismail is said to have been a bloodthirsty tyrant, only 
fit to be compared with Nero. — Travels of a Merchant, Hakl. Soc, 
p. 191. 


no longer. This foresayd late prince Ismael, lietli buried in 
a faire Meskit} with a sumptuous sepulchre in the same, which 
he caused to be made in his life time. This towne Orclowill^ 
is in the latitude of 38. degrees, an ancient citie in the 
prouince of Aderaugan^ wherein the princes of Persia are 
commonly buried, and there Alexander the great did keepe 
his court when he inuaded the Persians. Foure daies iourney 
The citie to the Westward is the Citie Tehris,^ in old time called 
Tauris. Ttturis, the greatest citie in Persia, but not of such trade or 
merchandize as it hath bene, or as others be at this time, by 
meane of the great inuasion of the Turke,^ who hath conquered 

1 Mosque. This mosque and Ismail's tomb have been repeatedly 
visited by Morier and others. 

2 Ordowill (Ardebil), once a town of great repute, but now an 
insignificant village, stands on the plain of Mogam. Its history is 
closely associated with the Sufi monarchs of Persia, whose tombs are 
still preserved there. When Ardebil capitulated to the Russians in 
1828, the library belonging to the mosque of Shah Sufi was sent to 
Russia. — Montieth's Kars and Erzeroum, p. 150. 

3 Aderbaijan, or Azerbaijan, the north-westernmost province of 
Persia, lies between the Caspian and Black Seas, being separated from 
the former by the Russian district of Lenkoran. 

* Tabriz was three or four days' journey from Ardebil. The city 
was situated in a plain at the foot of a mountain, and was surrounded 
by a beautiful country. It was about twenty-four (fifteen, according 
to another account) miles in circuit, and was not surrounded by walls. 
It had been the residence of Darius, King of Persia, and contained 
many elaborate palaces built by subsequent kings. Tauriz, or Tabriz, 
has been identified with the Shushan of Esther, the northern Ecbatana, 
and other ancient cities of fame. Friar Odoric, of Pordenone, says it 
is a nobler city and a better for merchandise than any other in the 
world. There are now no traces of its magnificence, though it was 
still in splendour in the seventeenth century. No town has suffered 
more from the ravages of war and earthquakes. — AngioleUo, in Hakl. 
Soc, p. 121 ; Cathay, lb., p. 48 ; Travels of a Merchant, ib., pp. 166-173. 

^ Solymau II invaded Persia in 1534, and advanced to Tabriz, which 
he took, without, however, committing any disorder. Driven to retire 
by one of the most violent storms ever recorded in history, he passed 
the winter at Babylon, where he caused himself to be crowned King 
of Persia. The following year he again advanced, retook Tabriz, and 
sacked it, while Tahmasp retired into the mountains near Kasvin, 


from the Sophie almost to the sayd Citie of Tauris, which 
the sayd Turke once sacked, and thereby caused the Sophie to 
forsake the same, and to keepe his court ten dayes iourney 
from thence, at the sayd Citie of Cctshin. 

The 21. day wee departed from Ordowill aforesaid, trauell- 
ing for the most part ouer mountaines all in the night season 
and resting in the day, being destitute of wood, and there- 
fore were forced to vse for fewell the dung of horses and 
camels, which we bought deare of the pasturing people. 
Thus passing ten dayes iourney the yeare aforesayd, the 
second day of Nouember we arriued at the foresayd Citie of 
Cashen, where the sayd Sophie keepeth his court, and were m. lenkin- 
appoynted to a lodging not farre from the kings pallace, and at the 
within two dayes after the Sophie commaunded a prince court. 2 

•^ -^ ^ Nouember 

called Shallie Murzey} sonne to Obdolowcan king of Shiruan ^^^2. 
aforesayd, to send for me to his house, who asked me in the 
name of the sayd Sophie how I did, and whither I were in 
health, and after did welcome me, and inuited me to dinner, 
whereat I had great entertainment, and so from thence I 
returned to my lodging. The next day after I sent my 
interpreter vnto the Sophies Secretarie, declaring that I had 
letters directed from our most gracious Soueraigne ladie the 
Queenes most excellent maiestie of the Eealme of England, 
vnto the sayd Sophie, and that the cause of my comming 
was expressed in the same letters, desiring that at conuenient 
time I might come into his maiesties presence, who 
aduertising the Sophie thereof, shortly after answered mee 
that there were great affaires in hand : Which being finished, 

denuding the country of supplies. The Turks were at length obliged 
to retreat, but were overtaken and defeated by the Persian general 
near Bitlis. — Krusinski, p. 21. 

^ Shah Ali Murza, son of Abdullah Khan, King of Shirvan, was 
rightful heir to the throne upon the death of his father, but he does 
not seem to have been confirmed in his sovereignty by the Shah. (See 
Edwards's letter, HakL, p. 377.) 


I should come before his presence, willing mee in the meaue 
time to make readie my present if I had any to deliuer. 
AmblsTa^.^^ At this time the great Turkes Ambassadour^ arriued foure 
sCShie° '^^ dayes before my comming, who was sent thither to conclude 
a perpetuall peace betwixt the same great Turke and the 
Sophie, and brought with him a present in gold and faire 
horses, with rich furnitures and other giftes esteemed to be 
woorth fortie thousand pound. And thereupon a peace was 
concluded with ioyfull feastes, triumphs and solemnities, 
corroborated with strong othes, by their lawe of Alkaran, for 
either to obserue the same, and to Hue alwayes after as 
sworne brethren, ayding the one the other agaynst all princes 
that should warre agaynst them, or eyther of them. And 
vpon this conclusion the Sophie caused the great Turkes 
Sonne named Baiset Soltan, a valiaunt prince (who beyng 
fled from his father vnto the Sophie, had remayned in his 
court the space of foure yeeres) to bee put to death. In 
which time the sayd Turkes sonne had caused mortall warres 
betwixt the sayd princes, and much preuailed therein : The 
Turke demaunded therefore his sonne to bee sent vnto him, 
and the Sophie refused thereunto to consent. But now being 
slaine according to the Turkes will, the Sophie sent him his 
head for a present, not a little desired, and acceptable to the 
vnnaturall father.^ Discoursing at my first arriuall with the 

* This ambassador was Hassan Aglia. 

2 KnoUes, a contemporary historian, gives full particulars of this 
embassy, and of the death of Bajazet. The circumstances were 
these : — Bajazet, a brave and energetic prince, had offended his father, 
who suspected him of ambitious designs with regard to the succession, 
which he intended for his favourite son, Selim. Bajazet, to save his 
life and the lives of his children, fled in 1556 to Persia, and took 
refuge with Shah Tahmasp, his father's enemy. He was at first well 
treated at the Persian Court, but after awhile Tamasp became irri- 
tated against him, and threw him into prison. Solyman, meanwhile, 
had never ceased urging the surrender of Bajazet, but unsuccessfully, 
till at length he found that Tahmasp was open to a bribe, and would 
consent to the death of his prisoner, though refusing to give him up 


king of Shiruan of sundry matters, and being intertained as 
hath bene before declared, the sayd king named Ohdolocan, 
demaunding whether that wee of England had friendship with 
the Turkes or not, I answered that we neuer had friendship 
with them, and that therefore they would not suffer vs to 
passe through their countrie into the Sophie his dominions, 
and that there is a nation named the Venetians, not farre 
distant from vs, which are in great league with the sayd 
Turkes,^ who trade into his dominions with our commodities 
chiefly to barter the same for rawe silkes, which (as wee 
vnderstand) come from thence : and that if it would 
please the sayde Sophie and other princes of that countrey, 
to suffer our merchaunts to trade into those dominions, and 

alive. Hassan Agha, a trusted agent, was sent to Persia, visited 
the prison in which the unfortunate Bajazet was confined, and 
recognised in him his playfellow of former years. Having com- 
municated to Solyman the results of this interview, he was 
commissioned to strangle Bajazet with his own hands, an order 
which he executed with revolting brutality, refusing the wretched 
man's prayer to take leave of his children. Bajazet's three sons, also 
at Kazvin, were bowstrung in the same way, while his fourth son, an 
infant at Brussa, suffered the same fate. The circumstances attending 
his death recall to mind the murder of the young princes in the Tower, 
for it is recorded by Knolles that, when the miscreant hired to do the 
bloody deed entered the room, the child threw his arms about his neck, 
and so melted his heart that he was found lying in a swoon by his 
intended victim's side, another having to discharge his bloody task. 
This murder was justified by Solyman on grounds of policy, or, as 
Knolles quaintly puts it, "lest of an evil bird might come an evil 
chick". — KnoUes's Generall Histcyrie of the Turhes^ p. 781. 

1 This is hardly correct. Venice had for nearly a century been 
negotiating with the Kings of Persia to attack Turkey, promising as- 
sistance with arms and ships to induce Persia to make war and weaken 
the power of the Turks, which was then at its zenith. The Venetians 
had by this time lost their maritime supremacy in the Levant and 
Black Sea, where the trade was mostly in the hands of Genoese. It 
was doubtless with the view of regaining their former position in the 
East that the Republic exerted itself strenuously to bring about 
a coalition against Turkey. (See Travels of Venetians, in Hakl. Soc., 


to give vs passeport and safe conduct for the same, as the 
sayde Turke hath graunted to the sayde Venetians, I doubted 
not but that it should growe to such a trade, to the profits of 
them, as neuer before had bene the like, and that they should 
bee both furnished with our cpmmodities, and also haue 
vtterance of theirs, although there neuer came Turke into 
their land, pers wading with many other wordes for a trade to 
be had. This king vnderstanding the matter liked it mar- 
ueilously, saying, that hee would write vnto the Sophie 
concerning the same ; as he did in very deede, assuring me 
that the Sophie would graunt my request, & that at my 
returne vnto him he would giue me letters of safe conduct, 
and priuiledges.^ The Turkes Ambassadour was not then 
come into the land, neither any peace hoped to be concluded, 
but great preparation was made for warre which was like 
much to haue furthered my purpose, but it chanced other- 
The Turkes wisc. For the Turkcs Ambassadour being arriued and the 


withstand peace concluded, the Turkish merchants there at that time 

M. lenkin- ^ 

«o°- present, declared to the same Ambassadour, that my comming 

thither (naming mee by the name of Franke) would in great 
part destroy their trade, and that it should bee good for him 
to perswade the Sophie not to fauour me, as his highnesse 
ment to obserue the league and friendship with ' the great 
Turke his master, which request of the Turkish merchants, 
the same Ambassadour earnestly preferred, and being after- 
wards dismissed with great honour hee departed out of the 
Eealme with the Turkes sonnes head as aforesayd, and other 

The 20. day of Nouember aforesayd, I was sent for to 

^ Jenkinson's instructions (ante, p. 117) were to endeavour to divert 
part of the Levantine trade into another channel, in order that England 
might make use of her new relations with Russia to open a new trade 
route by way of the Volga and Caspian to India. His want of success 
on this occasion appears to have been chiefly due to Turkish influences, 
which were just then paramount in Persia. 


come before the sayd Sophie, otherwise called Sha.v3 Thamas} Thtmw. 
and about three of the clocke at after nooue I came to the J^^e?^^'^' 
court, and in the lighting from my horse at the court gate 
before my feete touched the ground, a paire of the Sophies 
owne shoes termed in the Persian tongue (Basmackes),^ such as 
hee himself weareth when he ariseth in the night to pray (as 
his maner is) were put vpon my feete, for without the same 
shoes I might not be suffered to tread vpon his holy ground, — 
being a Christian, and called amongst them Gowenr} that is, 
vnbeleeuer, and vncleane : esteeming all to bee infidels and 
Pagans which doe not beleeue as they doe, in their false filthie 
prophets Mahomet and Murtezallie* At the sayde court gate 
the things that I brought to present his maiestie with, were 
deuided by sundry parcels to sundry seruitors of the court 
to cary before me, for none of my companie or seruaunts 
might be suffered to enter into the court with me, my in- 
terpreter onely excepted. Thus comming before his maiestie 
with such reuerence as I thought meete to bee vsed, I de- TheQueenea 

^ ' letters 

liu^red the Queenes maiesties letters with my present, deuuered. 
which he accepting, demaunded of me of what countrey of 
Franks I was, and what affaires I had there to do : vnto 
whom I answered that I was of the famous Citie of London 
within the noble realme of England, and that I was sent 

^ Shah Tahmasp, eldest son of Shah Ismail Sofi, succeeded to the 
throne npon the death of his father in 1524. He reigned till 1576, 
when he died. The character of this prince has been drawn by a 
contemporary, the Venetian envoy, Vincentio d'Alessandri. He de- 
scribes him as a selfish, avaricious tyrant, engrossed in his own 
pleasures, with no inclination for war, though vain and boastful. 
Descended in a direct line from Ali, son-in-law of Mahomet, he was 
revered, almost worshipped, by the fanatical Shiah Persians. He was 
of medium stature, but well formed, dark in face, with thick lips and 
grisly beard. Shah Tahmasp's grandson was the renowned Shah Abbas 
the Great.— See d'Alessandri, in Hakl. Soc, pp. 211-229. 

2 Almost identical with the Russian word bashmaki, shoes. 

3 Giaour. Shamil's Murids called the Russians " Sarigiaours", i.e., 
yellow infidels. — Dcn^n, p. 190. 

* Murteza Ali, son-in-law of Mahomet. 


thither from the most excellent and gracious soueraigne 
Ladie Elizabeth, Queene of the sayd Eealme, for to treate of 
friendship, and free passage of our merchaunts and people, 
to repaire and traffique within his dominions, for to bring 
in our commodities, and to carrie away theirs, to the honour 
of both princes, the mutual commoditie of both realmes, and 
wealth of the subiects, with other words here omitted. He 
then demaunded me in what language the letters were 
written, I answered, in the Latine, Italian, and Hebrew: 
well sayd he, we haue none within our realme that vnder- 
stand those tongues. Whereunto I answered that such a 
famous and woorthie Prince (as hee was) wanted not people of 
all nations within his large dominions to interprete the same. 
oSesloM!^^ Then he questioned with me of the state of our countries, and 
of the power of the Emperour of Almaine, King Philip, 
and the great Turke,^ and which of them was of most power: 
whom I answered to his contentation, not dispraysing the 
great Turke, their late concluded friendship considered. Then 
he reasoned with me much of religion, demaunding whether 
I were a Gower, that is to say, an vnbeleeuer, or a MuselmaUy 
that is, of Mahomets lawe. Vnto whom I answered, that 
I was neither vnbeleeuer nor Mahometan, but a Christian. 
What is that sayd hee vnto the king of Georgians sonne,^ who 
being a Christian was fled vnto the sayd Sophie, and hee 
answered that a Christian was he that beleeueth in lesus 

1 Ferdinand I, Philip II of Spain, and Solyman the magnificent, 
at that time the most powerful princes in Europe. 

2 Luarsab I, Kiog of Eastern Georgia, dying in 1558, left two sons, 
Simon and David, between whom he divided his dominions. But as 
neither of them was content with his share, they declared war against 
each other, and both solicited assistance of Tahmasp. The youngest 
happening to apply first, Tahmasp answered that he would give him 
all his father's territories provided he would turn Muhammadan. 
David embraced this proposal, joined the Persian army, and was sent 
to Kazvin, where our traveller saw him. — Chardin, Voy. en Perse, i, 
p. 174. 


Christibs, affirmiug him to bee the sonne of God, and the 
greatest prophet: Doest thou beleeue so sayd the Sophie 
vnto mee : Yea that I doe sayd I : Oh thou vnbeleeuer 
sayd he, we haue no neede to haue friendship with the 
vnbeleeuers, and so willed mee to depart. I being glad 
thereof did reuerence and went my way, being accompanied 
with many of his gentlemen and others, and after mee 
followed a man with a Basanet^ of sand, sifting all the way 
that I had gone within the said paUace, euen from the sayd 
Sophies sight vnto the court gate. 

Thus I repaired againe vnto my lodging, and the sayd 
night Shally Murzey^ sonne to the king of Hircane aforesayd. The our- 
who fauoured mee very much for that I was commended vnto ?| ^^^^^y 

•/ Murzey. 

him from his father, willed me not to doubt of any thing, 
putting me in hope that I should haue good successe with 
the Sophie, and good intertainment. 

Thus I continued for a time, daily resorting vnto me diuers 
gentlemen sent by the Sophie to conferre with me, especially 
touching the affaires of the Emperour of Kussia, and to know 
by what way I intended to returne into my countrey, either 
by the way that I came, or by the way of Ormus? and so 

1 Old English, a little basin. 

2 Shah Ali Murza, ante^ p. 141. 

3 Ormuz was a month or six weeks* journey from Kazvin on camels 
This island belonged to the Portuguese, and was reputed to be of 
febulous wealth. Abdul Rezak, Shah Rokh's envoy, describes it in 
glowing terms on visiting it in 1442. The Moorish proverb ran, *' The 
world is a ring, and the jewel in it is Ormuz"; and Milton says, " out- 
shone the wealth of Ormuz and of Ind {Paradise Lost, Bk. ii, line 2). 
In 1507, the great Afonzo Dalboquerque took Ormuz for his sovereign, 
Don Manuel, after an action which holds a high place among Portu- 
guese annals. For upwards of a century Ormuz remained a Portu- 
guese possession, till it fell into the hands of the Persians, having 
surrendered to the East India Company's fleet in 1622. On this 
occasion William Baffin, the navigator, received his death wound. 
Ever since, Ormuz has remained desolate. — See Commentaries of 
Afonzo Dalboquerque (Hakl. Soc.), i, pp. 105-123, and iv, p. 186; 
Baffin's Voyages (Hakl. Soc.), pp. xlv and 156. 


with the Portingals shippes. Vnto whom I answered, that 

I durst not returne by the way of Ormus, the Portingals and 

wee not being friends, fully perceiuing their meaning : for I 

tended was aduertised that the sayde Sophie meant to haue warres 

against the 

PortiQgais. with the Portingals, and would haue charged me that I had 
bene come for a spie to passe through his dominions vnto 
the said Portingals, thinking them and vs to bee all one 
people, and calling all by the name of Franks, but by the 
prouidence of God this was preuented. 

After this the sayd Sophie conferred with his nobilitie 
and counsell concerning me, who perswaded, that he should 
not entertaine me well, neither dismisse me with letters or 
gifts, considering that I was a Franke, and of that nation 
that was enemie to the great Turke his brother, perswading 
that if hee did otherwise, and that the newes thereof should 
come to the knowledge of the Turke, it should be a meane 
to breake their new league and friendship lately concluded : 
disswading further because hee had no neede, neither that it 
was requisite for him to haue friendship with vnbeleeuers, 
whose countreys lay farre from him, and that it was best for 
him to send mee with my letters vnto the sayde great Turke 
for a present, which he was fully determined to haue done 
at some meete time, meaning to send his Ambassadour vnto 
the sayd great Turke very shortly after. 

But the kiog of ffircanes^ sonne aforesayd, vnderstanding 

this deliberation, sent a man in post vnto his father, for to 

declare and impart the purpose vnto him, who as a gracious 

prince, considering that I had passed through his dominions, 

mrcfief °' and that I had iourneyed for a good intent, did write to 

letter in M. the Sophic^ all that which hee vnderstood of his sayd de- 

lenkinsona .. ii-i-ii i • •, t • •• 

behaife. tcrmmation, and that it should not stand with his maiesties 
honour to doe me any harme or displeasure, but rather to 
giue mee good entertainment, seeing I was come into his 

* /.«., the King of Shirvan's son, ante, p. 141. 
« Hatf . MS. adds: " with all spede". 


land of my free will, and not by constraint, and that if hee 
vsed me euill, there would few straungers resort into his 
countrey, which would be greatly vnto his hinderance, with 
many other perswasions: which after that the sayd Sophie had 
well and throughly pondered and disgested (much esteeming 
the same king of Hircane, beyng one of the valiantest 
princes vnder him and his nigh kinseman) changed his de- 
termined purpose, and the 20. day of March 1562.^ he sent 
me a rich garment of cloth of gold, and so dismissed me 
without any harme. 

During the time that I soiourned at the sayd citie of Cashin, 
diuers merchaunts out of India came thither vnto mee, with 
whom I conferred for a trade of spices : whereunto thev Conference 

^ '' with. Indian 

answered that they would bring of all sortes so much as wee »»erdhanta. 
would haue, if they were sure of vent, whereof I did promise 
to assure them, so that I doubt not but that great abundance 
thereof may from time to time be there prouided and had.* 

The same twentith day of March I returned from the sayd ^- '^^^^^^- 
citie of Casbin, where I remayned all the Winter, hauing *'^™®* 
sent away all my cammels before, and the thirtieth day I 
came to the sayde Citie of Ordowill, and the fifteenth of 
Aprill vnto Zauaut^ aforesayde, where king Ohdolowcan was 
at that present, who immediately sent for mee, and de- 
maunding of mee many questions, declared that if it had not 
bene for him, I had bene vtterly cast away, and sent to the 
great Turke for a present by the Sophie, through the euill 
perswasion of his wicked counsell, and that the Zieties* and 

> 1563, in Hatf. MS. ; Helm. MS. has 1562. According to the 
Julian calendar, then in use, the year ended on the 30th March, and 
therefore 1562 is correct. 

' It appears from a letter of Edwards' that the trade in spices was 
in the hands of Armenian merchants, who bartered with the Venetians 
at Aleppo. — Hakl.y p. 381. 

» Jevat, lat. 39° 59' N., long. 48" 25' E., ante, p. 128. 

* Probably intended for "Tiziks", as Persian merchants were called 
in Astrakhan. See Pure has, iii, 245, line 46. 



obtained of 
can which 
are here- 
after an- 

An Arme- 
nian sent to 
fro' the 
King of 

holy men were the chief e and principall procurers and moouers 
thereof: but the Sophie himselfe meant mee much good at 
the first, and thought to haue giuen me good entertainement, 
and so had done, had not the peace and league fortuned to 
haue bene concluded betweene them and the great Turke. 
Neuerthelesse, sayd hee, the Sophie hath written vnto me to 
entertaine you well, and you are welcome into my countrey, 
and so hee intreated mee very gently, in whose court I re- 
mayned seuen dayes, and obteined of him letters of safe- 
con ductes and priuiledges in your names to be free from 
paying custome, which I deliuered vnto your seruaunts 
Thomas Alcocke and George Wren, at their departure to- 
wards Persia for your affaires :^ and his highnesse did giue 
mee two garments of silke, and so dismissed me with great 
fauour, sending with me his Ambassadour againe vnto the 
Emperour of Eussia, and committed the chiefest secrete of 
his affayres vnto mee, to declare the same vnto the Empe- 
rours maiestie at my returne : and thus departing the tenth 
day of Aprill, I came to the Citie of Shamacliie, and there 
remayning certaine dayes for prouision of cammels downe to 
the Sea side, I sent from thence before, men to repayre my 
barke and to make her in a readinesse. And during my 
abode in Shamachie, there came vnto me an Armenian sent 
from the King of Georgia, who declared the lamentable state 
of the same king, that being enclosed betwixt those two 

1 Alcock went to Persia with Robert Cheinie, as agents for the 
Russian Company, in 1563. They landed at some port in Media, pro- 
bably at Jenkinson's Shabran, and proceeded thence to Shemakha, 
where they were well received by Abdullah Khan. Cheinie remained 
at Shemakha, while Alcock travelled to Kazvin to buy merchandise. 
Returning, he met Cheinie at Levacta (Jevat, or Djevat), a day and a 
half from Shemakha. Meanwhile, an ill-feeling had grown up against 
foreign merchants in consequence of a Muhammadan having been 
killed by a Russian. Perceiving this, Alcock and Cheinie hastened 
their departure. Cheinie set out first, and safely reached Shemakha, 
when, three days after his arrival, he heard that Alcock had been 
killed on his way thither. — IlalvL, p. 375. 


cruell tyrants and mightie princes, the sayd great Turke and 
the Sophie, he had continuall warres with them, requiring 
for the loue of Christ and as I was a Christian that I would 
send him comfort by the sayd Armenian, and aduise how hee 
might send his Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour of Eussia, 
and whether I thought that hee would support him or no: 
and with many other wordes required mee to declare his 
necessitie vnto the same Emperour at my returne: adding 
further that the sayd king would haue written vnto mee his 
minde, but that he doubted the safe passage of his mes- 
senger. Unto whom I did likewise answere by worde of 
mouth, not onely perswading him to send his Ambassadour 
to Eussia, not doubting but that hee should finde him most 
honourable and inclined to helpe him, but also I directed 
him his way how the sayde king might send by the countrey 
of Ghircassi, through the fauour of Teneruke^ king of the Teneruke, 

' ° *^ King of 

sayd countrey, whose daughter the sayd king had lately chircassi. 
married. And thus dismissing the sayd Armenian, within 
two dayes after I sent Edward Clearke^ your seruaunt vnto 
the Citie of Arrash, where the most store of silkes is to bee 
had, giuing him Commission to haue passed further into the 
sayd countrey of Georgia, and there to haue repaired vnto 
the sayde king. And after my commendation premised, and 
my minde declared, to haue pursued for safeconduct of the 
same prince for our merchaunts to trade into his dominions, 
and that obtained to haue returned againe with speede. The 
same your seruant iourning to the sayde citie of Arrash, and 
there finding certaine merchants Armenians, which promised 
to goe to the sayde cittie of Georgia,^ comming to the borders 
thereof was perceiued by a Captaine there, that he was a 
Christian, and thereupon demaunded whither he went, and 

1 Temgruk, Ivan's father-in-law. — See ante, fol. 91. 

2 Edward Clark is mentioned in Edwards' letter {ffakl., p. 376 ) as 
the most suitable person to represent the Company in Persia. 

3 i.e., Tiflis. 


vnderstanding that hee could not passe further without great 
suspicion, answered that hee came thither to buie silkes, and 
shewed the king of Hircanes letters which he had with him, 
and so returned backe againe, and the 15. of Aprill came to 
Shamachie : from whence I departed the sixteene of the same 
moneth, and the one and twentie thereof comming to the Sea 
side, and finding my barke in a readinesse, I caused your 
goods to bee laden, and there attended a faire wind. 

But before I proceede any further to speake of my returne, 

I intend with your fauours some what to treate of the 

The countrey of Persia, of the great Sophie, and of his countrey, 

Description , , . . 

of Persia, lawcs and religion. 

This land of Persia is great and ample, deuided into many 
kingdomes and prouinces, as Gillan, Corasan, Shiruan^ and 
many others hauing diuers Cities, Townes and Castles in the 

Thechiefe samc. Eucry prouince hath his seuerall king, or Sultane> 

cities of 

Persia. all in obcdicnce to the great Sophie. The names of the 
chief est Cities be these. Teueris, Casbin, Keshan, Yesse, MesJcit, 
Heirin, Ordmuill, Shamachie, Arrash^ with many others. 
The C|Ountrey for the most part toward the Sea side plaine 
and full of pasture, but into the high land, high, ful of 
mountaines, and sharpe. To the South it bordereth vpon 
Arabia and the East Ocean. To the North vpon the Caspian 
sea and the lands of Tariaria. To the East vpon the pro- 
uinces of India, and to the West vpon the confines of 
Chaldoca, Syria, and other the Turkes landes. All within 
these dominions be of the Sophies, named Shaw Thomas, sonne 
to Ismael Sophie. This Sophie that now raigneth, is nothing 

1 Ghilan, Khorassan, Shirvan. The first two are well-known pro- 
vinces of Persia ; the last now forms part of the Russian empire. 
From the circumstance of its being here included in Persia, it is 
evident that Abdullah Khan's sovereignty was merely nominal. 

2 These cities are Tabriz, Kazvin, Kashan, Yezd, Meshed, Herat, 
Ardebil, Shemakha and Arrash ; all, with the exception of the two 
last, noted cities at the present day, though in a state of decay, like 
evciy thing in Persia. 


valiant/ although his power bee great, and his people mar- 
tiall : and through his pusillanimitie the Turke hath much 
inuaded his countries, euen nigh vnto the citie of Teueris 
wherein he was woont to keepe his chiefs court. And now 
hauing forsaken the same, is chiefly resident at Casbin afore- 
sayd, and alwayes as the sayd Turke pursueth him, hee not 
being able to withstand the Turke in the field, trusting rather 
to the mountaines for his safegard, then to his fortes and 
castles, hee hath caused the same to be rased within his 
dominions, and his ordinance to bee molten, to the intent 
that his enemies pursuing him, they should not strengthen 
themselues with the same.'^ 

This prince is of the age of fiftie yeeres, and of a reason- 
able stature, hauing fiue children. His eldest sonne he 
keepeth captiue in a prison, for that hee feareth him for his 
valiantnesse and actiuitie : he professeth a kind of holynesse, 
and saith that he is descended of the blood of Mahomet and 
Murtezalli^: and although these Persians bee Mahometans, as 

^ The character of Shah Tahmasp, as drawn by Jenkinson, agrees in 
the main with that given by d' Alessandri {Hakl. Soc, pp. 213-215), who 
visited his court in 1571. According to this writer, Tahmasp was 
sixty-four years of age (therefore fifty-six at the date of Jenkinson's 
visit), and had eleven sons and four daughters. His eldest son, 
Mohammed, sumamed Khodabundeh, i.e., servant of God, father of the 
celebra'fced Shah Abbas, suffered from weak eyes, and was of a quiet 
disposition, living contentedly on a small domain in Khorassan. Ismail, 
the second son, was of an enterprising, restless character, and for this 
reason was kept in prison by his father. 

2 " As when the Tartar from his Russian foe 
By Astracan, over the snowy plains 
Retires ; or Bactrian Sophie from the horns 
Of Turkish crescent, leaves all waste beyond 
The realm of Aladule in his retreat 
To Tauris and Casbeen." 

Paradise Lost, Bk. x, line 431. 
^ This family traced their descent from Ali, the son-in-law of the 
prophet, through Mussa, the Seventh Imam. The pedigree is given in 
Travels of Venetians (Hakl. Soc), p. vii. 


The differ- the Turkes and Tartares bee, yet honour they this false fained 

enceof *' "^ 

religion. MurtezolUe, saying that he was the chiefest disciple that 
Mahomet had, cursing and chiding daily three other disciples 
that Mahomet had called Omar Vsiran and Abebecke} and 
these three did slay the sayd Murtezallie, for which cause 
and other differences of holy men and lawes, they haue had 
and haue with the Turkes and Tartares mortall warres. To 
intreat of their religion at large, being more or lesse Mahomets 
lawe and the Alkoran, I shall not need at this present. 
These persons are comely and of good complexion, proude 
and of good courage, esteeming themselues to bee best of all 
nations, both for their religion and holines, which is most 
erroneous, and also for all other their fashions. They be 
martiall, delighting in faire horses and good harnesse, soone 
angrie, craftie and hard people. Thus much I haue thought 
good to treate of this nation, and now I retume to discourse 
the proceeding of the rest of my voyage. 

My Barke being readie at the Caspian Sea side as afore 
sayd, hauing a faire winde, and committing our selues vnto 

The 3o.^f Qq(J the 30. day of May, one thousand fine hundred sixtie 
three, wee arriued at Astracan, hauing passed no lesse dan- 
gers vpon the Sea in our retume, then we sustained in our 
going foorth, and remayning at the said Astracan, vntill the 
tenth day of lune, one hundred gunners being there admitted 
vnto me for my safegard up the riuer Volga, the fifteenth of 
lulie I arriued at the Citie of Cazan, where the captaine 
entertained me well, and so dismissing mee, I was conducted 
from place to place vnto the citie of Mosko, where 1 arriued 
the 20. day of August 1563. in safetie, thankes be to God, 
with all such goods, merchandizes, and iewels, as I had pro- 
uided as well for the Emperours stocke and account, as also 
of yours, all which goods I was commaunded to bring into 

1 Abubekr, Omar, and Othman, the first three Khahf s cursed by the 
Shiahs, because they put to death Ali, son-in-law of the Prophet.— See 
ante^ p. 84. 


the Emperours treasurie before it was opened, which I did, 
and deliuered those parcels of wares, which were for his 
maiesties account, videlicet, precious stones, and wrought 
silkes of sundry colours and sortes, much to his highnesse 
contentation, and the residue belonging to you, viz., Craskoe, 
and raw silkes, with other merchandizes (as by account 
appeareth) were brought vnto your house, whereof part 
there remained, and the rest was laden in your ships lately 

Shortly after my comming to the Mosko, I came before 
the Emperours maiestie and presented vnto him the apparell 
giuen vnto me by the Sophie,^ whose highnesse conferred 
with mee touching the princes affaires which he had com- 
mitted to my charge, and my proceedings therein it pleased 
him so to accept, that they were much to his contentation, 
saying vnto me, I haue perceiued your good seruice, for the 
which I doe thanke you, and will recompence you for the 
same, wishing that I would trauell againe in such his other 
affaires, wherein he was minded to employ me : to whom I 
answered, that it was to my heartie reioycing that my seruice 
was so acceptable vnto his highnesse, acknowledging all that 
I had done to bee but of duetie, humblie beseeching his grace 
to continue his goodnesse vnto your worships, and euen at 
that instant I humbly requested his maiestie to vouchsafe 
to graunt vnto you a new priuiledge more ample than the Newpijai. 
first, which immediately was graunted,^ and so I departed. JJ^JfouSw^ 
And afterwards hauing penned a briefe note how I meant "^' 
to haue the same priuiledges made, I repaired daily to the 
Secretarie for the perfecting of the same, and obtained it 
vnder his maiesties broad scale, which at my departure from 
thence, I deliuered vnto the custodie of Thomas Glouer 
your Agent there. The copie whereof and also of the other 
priuiledges graunted and giuen by the king of Hircan, I haue 

» Cf. ante, p. 149. 

2 There is no trace of this privilege in Hakluyt. 



alreadie deliuered vnto you. Soiourning all the Winter at 
MosJco, and in the meane time hauing bargained with the 
Emperours maiestie, I sent away your seruaunt Edward 
Clearke hither ouerland with aduise, and also made prepara- 
tion for sending agayne into Persia in meete time of the 
yeere. And committing the charge thereof vnto your seruants 
Thomas Alcocke, George Wrenne, and Kichard Cheinie, the 
28. of lune last, I departed in poste from the sayd Mosho, 
and comming to Colviogro, and so downe to the Sea side, I 
found your ships laden and readie to depart, where I em- 
barked my selfe in your good ship called the Swallow, the 
9. of luly, one thousand fine hundred sixtie foure, and 
hauing passed the Seas with great and extreme daungers of 
23^sept. losse of shippc, goods and life, the 28. day of September last 
(God bee praysed) wee arriued here at Londone in safetie. 

Thus knowing that the couragious and valiaunt souldier 
which aduentureth both fame, member and life, to seme 
faithfully his soueraigne, esteemeth not the perils and 
daungers passed (the victorie once obtained) neither for his 
guerdon desireth anything more, then that his seruice bee 
well taken of him for whom he enterprised it : So I perceiuing 
your fauourable beneuolence to me extended in accepting my 
trauels in good part to your contentations, doe thinke my selfe 
therewith in great part recompensed : beseeching almightie 
God to prosper your aduentures, from time to time hereafter 
to be made for reaping the fruits of my trauels (at your great 
charges, and to my no small dangers) that ye may plentifully 
gather in and enjoy the same to the illustrating of the Queenes 
most excellent maiestie, the honour and commoditie of this 
her highnesse realme, and to the ample benefite and abundant 
enriching of you and your succession, and posterite for euer. 

A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan, 

King of Hircania, to the Companie of English merchants Aduen- 

turersfor Russia, Persia, and Mare Caspium, with all the landes 

and countries adioyning to the same, obtained by M. An- 

thonie lenkinson at his being there about the affaires 

of the sayd company, April 14. Anno 1563.^ 

We Obdolowcan by the mightie power of God maker of 
heauen and of earth, appointed and now raigning king of 
Shiruan and Hircan, of our meere motion and great goodnes, 
at the earnest sute and request of our fauoured and wel- 
beloued Anthonie lenkinson Ambassadour, haue giuen and 
graunted vnto the right worshipful! sir William Garret, 
sir William Chester , sir Thomas Lodge, M. Richard Mallarie, 
and M. Richard Ghamberlaine, with all their companie of 
merchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London in England, 
free libertie, safe conduct, and licence to come or send their 
factors in trade cf merchandize into our countries, and to buy 
and sell with our merchants and others, either for readie 
money or barter, and to tarie and abide in our countrey, so 
long as they will, and to goe away when they list, without 
impediment, let or hinderance, either of bodie or goods. 

And further our commandement and pleasure is, that the 
said English merchaunts with their company, shal pay no 
maner of custome for wares, which they or their factors shal 
buy or sel within our dominions. And if at any time our 
customers or other officers, or any of them, do disturbe, misuse, 
force or constraine the said English merchants or any of 
them, or their factors, to pay any maner of custome or dutie 
for any wares they bring in or carie out of our dominions 

* Hakluyt, 1589, p. 374. 


contrary to this our commandement, and the same be knowen 
vnto vs, then wee will that the said customers and officers 
shall loose and be put out of their said offices, with our 
further displeasure, and the said English merchants to haue 
restored all such mony and wares as our customers haue taken 
of them for our said custome. And whensoeuer the said 
English merchants or their factors shall bring any maner of 
wares meet for our treasurie, then our treasurer shal take the 
sayd wares into our treasurie, and shal giue vnto the said 
English merchaunts, either ready money or raw silkes, to the 
value of their said wares. And wheresoeuer this our letter 
of priuiledges shall be scene and read within our dominion, 
wee straightily will and commaund that it take effect, and be 
obeied in all points. Dated at our place of lauat, the day 
and yeere aboue written, and sealed with our princely scale, 
and firmed by our secretarie in the 12. yeere of our raigne. 


Anthony Jenkinson to the Queen. 
To the Queues Moste Excellente Maiestie.^ 

Experience provethe (moste gracious Soueraigne) That 
Naturally all Princes ar desyrous to Imploye theire study 
and extend theire power to advaunce theire Honnour, fame 
and Renowne And to Enlardge theire domynions, Kingdoms, 
and Terrytories, Wherfore it is not to be marveylid at, to see 
them eury daye ready to pruve the same ; Not regardinge 
any costes, perylls or laboures that theireby may chaunce. 

1 Jenkinson's first efforts on his return from Persia in the autumn 
of 1564 were at once directed towards organising a voyage to Cathay 
by the north-east, a plan of discovery that had never been wholly 
lost sight by the merchant adventurers to Russia from the period of 
the accidental discovery of the coast of Moscovy by Richard Chancellor 
and Stephen Borough in 1553. The origin of this scheme of 
Cathayan enterprise is, however, to be traced to the mind of the far- 
sighted Sebastian Cabot, who first propounded it as an alternative 
and far better route, not only of the one undertaken by him or his 
father to the north-west in 1477-9, but also another frequently lost 
sight of, namely, the one specially recommended by Robert Thorn, 
a merchant of Bristol, in 1527, which was to take the voyagers 
straight across the North Pole and bring them out on the other side 
of the globe. The first to revive the scheme of a north-east passage 
to Cathay, after a lapse of twelve years, upon any practical basis or 
new data acquired by experience in travel, was, undoubtedly, Anthony 
Jenkinson in his petition to the Queen, now before us, and printed 
for the first time in extenso. 

2 Cott. MS., Galba D ix, f. 4. This, injured at the edges, has been 
collated with the MS. at the State Paper Office, S. P. Dom. Eliz., 
vol. 36 ; and several cancelled words are supplied from the S. P. O. 
MS. The date of this letter is 30 May 1565. 

160 jexkixson's petition to the queen. 

The Worlde knowethe that the desyer of princes hathe byn 
so fervent to obtayne theire desyred purposes, That they haue 
adventured, and provid things to mans Coniecture impos- 
sible, wiche not only they haue made very possible, But 
also things that seemyd very liarde and dyffyculte, they haue 
made very facyle and easy. And this to doo, some neyther 
fearinge God nor respectinge naturall cyvylytie, Contrary to 
all righte, Equytie, humanytie and Conscyence, have not only 
Spoylyd, Eobbed and sacked many stronge Cytties and 
Countreys, Neare vnto them, But also haue Disinheryted, yea 
and made Captyve vnto them Noble Princes, yea suche as to 
any mans coniecture wer nothing inferriour vnto them. 
Others whome the feare of God hathe kept within the 
bounds of reason, and yet of no lesse magnanymytie and 
noble Courage, then they, Haue not spared to torne^ vp and 
downe the whole worlde so many tymes that the people 
inhabitinge the farthyest Eegions of the Occidentall, haue 
pursued with fervent desyers, labours, perills and daungers. 
To penetrate and enter into the farthest Regions of the 
Orientall, and in lykwyse those people of the Orientall haue 
had no lesse laboure and desyer to enter and penetrate into 
the farthest partes of the Occidentall ; And so followinge 
theire purchase^ haue not ceased vntyll they coulde passe no 
further by reason of the Greate Seas wiche they thoughte to 
be th'end of the worlde. Now consideringe that this noble 
and Couragious Desyer never dyethe but lyeth hydden in 
the Harts of all Noble Princes attending oportunytye to 
manyfest it self, and knowing the same not to be wanting in 
your maiestie, I thoughte it therfore no lesse then my bownden 
dewtye to make manyfest vnto your moste Excellente 
maiestie myne opynyon. How your grace maye not only 

1 Tarne, A. S., to turn.- -Halliwell. 

* O. Fr. 2>ourchas, an attempt to acquire, endeavour. 

" I'll get meat to serve thee, 

Or lose my life in the imrchasey — Beau, and Fl. 

jenkinson's petition to the queen. 161 

highly advaunce your most noble fame and Eenowne, But 
also merveylously increase your domynions and Eiches, God 
prosperinge th'enterpryse. It is an Enterpryse to discouer 
Certeyne Eegions and Ilonds by the Northe Seas not hereto- 
fore discouerid by any prince in these partes of the worlde. 
Yt Semethe that three partes of the worlde are all redy 
discoueryd by other prynces. For owt of Spayne, they haue 
discouerd all the Indias and Seas Occidental And owt of 
Portingale, all the Seas and Indias Orientall. So that by the 
Orient and Occident they have compassed three partes of the 
vnknowen worlde. For the one of them departinge toward 
Th'oryent and the other towarde Th'occident met in theire 
tra veils in the Sowthe parte.^ And of the Fowrthe parte of 
the worlde wiche is to the Northe youre maiesties moste 
famous progenitoures,^ and your grace haue discoueryd Some 
pece. But the best parte thereof restithe yet vndiscoueryd 
which is the Famous Eegion of Cathaye and Infynyte Ilondes 
neare thereunto. All wiche are replenished with infynyt 
Treazures as Golde, Sylver, precious stones, Bawmes,^ Spices, 
Drogges and gumes, For as from the Tropicks to bothe the 
PoUes the Commodities of the earthe By labour be hemp and 
flax. The fruts and grayne be Apples, Nuttes, and Come, The 
metalls, ledd, Tynne and coprous. The stones Christall, 
Jasper, &c. So From th& Equinoctiall to bothe the Tropickes 
The Comodyties be Sylke and cotton woll, Theire fruts and 
Corne, Dattes, pomgranattes, all spyces, gomes, Drogges and 

^ The Spaniards, sailing through the Straits of Magellan, the Por- 
tuguese rounding the Cape of Good Hope, met at the Moluccas, the 
famous Spice Islands. Here misunderstandings arose between them, 
and it was to settle these differences that the conference was held at 
Badajos in 1524. 

2 Both Henry VII and Henry VIII took an interest in maritime 
discovery. But it was during the reign of the former of these two 
sovereigns that expeditions were fitted out, and commercial enterprise 
took a fresh start. 

3 Balms. 

162 jenkinson's petition to the queen. 

Ryse, The mettalls Golde, and Silver, The stones, Rubyes, 
Dyamants, balasis, &c. Wherefore yf it wolde please Al- 
mightye God that this Region of Cathaye mighte be discoueryd 
by your maiestie and passage fownde thyther by the northe, 
As theare wer no dought of the fyndinge of all these Com- 
modyties (in greate habondanns) So theare sholde also 
greate Bennefyte ryse to this your maiesties realme of Eng- 
lande, by the greate vent that wolde be made of all kynde of 
woUon commodyties made in this realme in those colde 
countryes Betwene the Imagyned straighte (of no dowghte 
to be fownde) and the said Lannd of Cathaye. The Naviga- 
tion wolde be shorter by the Northe, then that of the 
Portingalles by the Sowthe. Thoughe we sholde travell 
even to the Ilonds of Spices, Callyd the Moluciis^ by 
them alredy discoueryd, by twoo thowsande Leages, which 
arr Six thowsande myles. And as farr distante as Cathaye 
is from those Ilonds, So moche shorter also shall owre 
travells be, And yet shalbe as amply furnyshed with 
Spyces as they are theare. Besydes Sylkes, Golde and silver 
and precious stones with infynyte other comodyties as 
I haue learned in my Travells. Nowe towchynge the dann- 
gerousnes of the Travell, and that the Northerly Seas be 
vnnavigable for th'extremytye of the colde (as some Cosmo- 
graphers haue affyrmed) wiche indeede is very trewe, yf thje 
dewe tymes of the yere be not obserued.^ But as experience 
and practyse hathe detectid these Cosmographers of errors 

1 The Moluccas, or Spice Islands, in E. long. 126°- 135°, were first 
discovered by Antonio Debreu, in the name of the King of Portugal, 
in 1512, and more fully explored in 1564. — Qf. Major, Prince Henry ^ 
418 ; Alboquerque (Hakl. Soc), iii, 162. 

2 This remark shows that our traveller had studied the subject care- 
fully before addressing Her Majesty. Half the attempts to navigate 
these seas have failed, owing to the season chosen being too early or 
too late, and from an imperfect knowledge of the state of the ice. 
See plan of Nordenskiold's expedition, presented to the King of 
Sweden, — Nordenskiold, i, 12-33. 

jenkinson's petition to the queen. 163 

in theire Speculacion, For affyrmynge the partes Sowthward 
to be bothe inhabitable^ and vnnavygable for th'extrea- 
mytye of the heate, so I make no dowte at all, by that 
smalle practyse and experyence that I haue had in those 
northerly Eegions, but that they ar also deceyuid in this. 
For aswell on this syde, as beyonde the Pole twoo or three 
hundrethe leages, As all men of Knowlege maye consider, 
The Seas and landes be as temperat when the Soonne is in 
the northe tropicke as they be in these partes. And for the 
space of tenn weekes where I have Traveled there is con- 
tinuall daie, The Sonne alwaies aboue our horison, And so 
the nearer the Pole the longer Daie, whiche is no smalle 
Comoditye, and Comforte to the Naviganntes. And seinge 
that the Portingalles and Spanyardes Haue not spared to 
travell vpon vnknowen Coastes, Hauing abowte the Equi- 
noctiall, longe Nightes, We sholde haue no feare at all, But 
rather be Encouraged to travell and Searche for this passage, 
Hauinge for so longe tyme Continuall lighte of the Soonne (yf 
the Season be Dewly obserued). And lyke as there is varyety 
of Opynions Towchinge this passage owte of this cure Occian 
into th'east Occian, Some affirminge the same by the North- 
weste (Takinge there Authorytie of Certen awthors who 
wrote by Coniecture) which opynyon I do not wholly dissent 
from ; So am I fully perswaded that to the Northeaste there 
is no dowghte of a passage to be fownde, For that like as I 
at my beinge in Scythia and Bactria, I divers tymes talked 
and Conferred with Dyvers Cathayens who wer there at that 
present in trade of merchanndyse Towchinge the comodyties 
of theire countrey, And how the Seas aborded vnto them, I 
Learned of them that the said Seas had theire Course to 
Certen northerly Eegions with whom tliey had Traphyque 
by Seas. Also hauinge conferrence with th'inhabitantes 

^ I.e., uninhabitable. — Nares's Glossary. 

" Even to the frozen ridges of the Alps. 
Or any other ground inhabitable.'' — Eich. II, act i, sc. 1. 

164 jenkinson's petition to the queen. 

of Hugarye^ and other people of Sarneydes and Colmackes 
whose Countreys lye very fair northerly (and nere where- 
unto I gesse the said passage to be) whiche people Sayle 
alonge the saide Coastes Fysshinge after the greate Fyshe 
callyed the Morse for the Benefyte of his Teathe. Of Whome 
I have learned that beyonde them the sayde Lande and 
Coastes trenche and tende to the East and to the South- 
warde, And that the Corrauntes and tydes runne East South - 
easte and west northweste very vehemently, whiche manifestly 
arguethe a passage. Further this laste yere at my beinge in 
Th'emperoure of Muscovia his Coorte, yt chaunced that there 
Cam thyther Certen of th'inhabitantes of the foresaid 
Countryes To present vnto the said Prince a certen straunge 
Hed with a home therein, whiche they had fownde in the 
Ilonde of Vagatts^ whiche is not farre from the River of 
Obhe and the mayne land of Hugarye. And for that 
Th'emperoure neyther any of his people knewe what yt was 
for the straungenes thereof He commaunded that Soche 
straungers as wer thoughte to haue any Judgement therin 
shold see the same, and be asked there Opynion what they 
thoughte it to be. Amounge whome yt was my chaunce to 
be. And so was it fownde, by the reporte of them, that, 
before had seane the lyke. To be the Hedd and home of -an 
Vnycorne,^ wich is in no smalle pryce and Estymacion with 
the saide prynce. Then I Imagynyd with my Self from 
whence the said Hedd sholde Come, And knowinge that 
Vny comes are Bredde in the Landes of Cathay e, Chynaye 
and other the Orientall Regions, fel into Consideration that 

1 Yugria, or Ugria, was the extreme north of Siberia, ante, p. 105. 

' The island of Vaigats is separated from the mainland of Siberia 
by Yugor Shar, called '* Pet Straits", after the explorer Pet. Vai- 
gats Sound, or Yugor Shar, is the best entrance into the Kara Sea. — 
Nordenskiold, i, 172. 

' Probably the narwhal (Monodon monoceros). The male has 
usually a long twisted tusk projecting forward from the upper jaw 
like a horn, whence it is called sea unicorn or unicorn whale. 

jenkinson's petition to the queen. 165 

the same Hedd was Broughie thyther by the Course of the 
Sea, And that theire muste of necessytie be a passage owt of 
the sayde Orientall Occean into our Septentrionall Seas,^ for 
how elles cowlde that hedd haue come to that Ilonde of 
Vagatts. Other reasons are to be AUeagid for the proffe of 
the said passage, wiche for feare to be Tedious, I omitt 
Wherefore moste gracious princes,^ ponderinge the Aforesaide 
and Consideringe youre worthye Navye, Havinge nowe, God 
be praysed, quyetnes with alle foreyne prynces, And also 
men apte, skylfull, & redy, to venter thire lives in worthy 
attemptes, And also with what smalle charge it wilbe com- 
passed, in Kespecte of So worthy Attempte [nothing infery- 
oure to straungers in any respecte].^ Yf it wold please your 
moste Excellent maiestie to sett forwarde this famous dis- 
couery of that Renowned Cathaye, And to geve order in tyme 
for the same, for that suche affayres may not nor cannot be 
don in haste. I dowte not but in Shorte tyme by the Tra- 
phyque thereof your maiestie shall growe to infynyte ryches, 
And be accompted therby the Famous pryncesse of the worlde, 
to th'encrease of your Renowne, to the Discouraginge of your 
Ennemyes, And to the greate weal the of your Eealme and 
Subiectes, Besyde the greate bennefyte by the mayntenaunce 
of your Navye. And to the prosecu tinge hereof and full 
Atchyvinge of this Enterpryse Yf Yt wolde please your 
Highnes to ymploye me, your poore Seruante in the same, 
and think me worthy to take the said charge, I am, and 
wilbe, moste redye to serue your Maiestie as dewtye Byndethe 
me, and to venter my lyfe as fervente Scale movethe me, 
whiche yf I maye lyve to accomplysh I shall attayne the 
some of my Desyer, wich is and alwayes hathe bean to do 
servyce, bothe acceptable to your Maiestie and also bene- 

1 The preceeding paragraph is omitted in the S. P. 0. MS. 

* /.«., princess. He is addressing the queen. 

* Cancelled in the original. 

166 jenkinson's petition to the queen. 

ficiall to my natyve Countrye whiche God graunte, Who 
longe preserue your highnes with prosperous Successe in alle 
your Graces attemptes. 

vltimo Mail 1565. 

Youre Maiesties moste humble and faithful! Seruant. 

Anthony Ienkenson. 

Endorsed: vlt. Maii 1565. Jenkynson for ye discovery of 
ye Cathay. 




Anthony Jenkinson to the Earl of Bedford.^ 

{Sept. 25, 1565.p 

Ryght honnorable and my Singler good Lorde, pleasyth yt 

your honnour to vnderstande, that this day, passinge by Holly 

^ The same year, 1565, that saw Jenkinson planning the discovery 
of a north-east passage to Cathay, found him employed in a different 
way on the Queen's service. Depredations committed by English 
subjects on French merchantmen, and frequent complaints made 
thereupon by the Queen Regent, Catherine de Medicis, and her son, 
Charles XI {Cal. S. P., For. EHz., Nos. 1391, 1503, and 1504), led 
to the issue, on October 6, 1565, of a warrant under the Great 
Seal against, and articles for suppressing, piracy, and the equipment 
of vessels to apprehend these disturbers of the peace. For this 
service H.M. ship the Ayde was commissioned, and left Queen- 
borough on the 17th September 1565, under the command of Anthony 
Jenkinson. His orders were not merely to stop piracy, although this 
was the ostensible object in view, for it appears from his corre- 
spondence that he was furnished with secret instructions. — Cal. S. P., 
Dom. Eliz., vol. xxxvi, 74; vol. xxxvii, 47, 48. 

2 Francis Russell, second Earl of Bedford, born 1528, made K.B. at 
the coronation of Edward VI. Upon that monarch's decease, he, with 
others, proclaimed Lady Mary Queen of England, and took part in her 
husband's quarrel with France. He fought at the battle of St. 
Quintin, Aug. 10, 1557. Bedford was twice sent as ambassador to 
France by Elizabeth. In 1564 he was made Governor of the town 
and castle of Berwick-upon-Tweed. In the following year he treated 
with other commissioners for a marriage between Mary Queen of Scots 
and Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. He was god-father to Sir 
Francis Drake, and guardian of George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, 
who afterwards became his son-in-law. He died at Bedford House in 
the Strand, July 28, 1585, at the age of fifty-eight, and was buried at 
Chenies, Bucks, where there is a noble monument to his memory. — See 
Anecdotes of the House of Bedford ; and Collins's Peerage, by Sir H. 
Brydges, 4th ed., i, 271. 

3 S. P., For. Eliz., No. 1211 ; No. 1527 in CaL 


Iland,^ toward the fryth, in one of the quenes Maiesties 
shipps called the Ayde^ about suche servyce and affayres as I 
suppose your honnor alredy doth vnderstande, and may per- 
ceyve by the Counseylls lettre herein closed, I have thought 
yt good to advertyze your Lordship of my arryvall, attendinge 
your further order and advyce for my further dyvertyon in 
all things, meaninge to lye of and on betwyxt Holy Hand and 
the mowth of the sayd fryth (except otherwise forced by 
wynd) vntill by this bearor from your lordship, I E[eceive] 
answer, and although yt ys the Counseylls pleasure that I 
shold plye to the Fryth withowt stayinge in any place, yett 
(savinge Correctyon) I thinke yt not best so to doo, butt 
rayther to keape of and on abowt the sayd Holly Hand and 
Barwyck, and not to be scene abowt the Fryth vntill we must 
needs, lest our Cumminge thyther shold be suspected for 
causes. Nevertheles I meane to folow Comyssyon, except 
other order from your honnor, and for that I knowe not 
whether the sayd Scottysh lords with ther provysyon be as 
yett in Scotland arryved, yt may please you to vnderstand 
the truthe by spyes or otherwise and to signifye vnto me 
agayn by this bearer, the Counsells Lettre inclosed within 
your lordships to th'end yt may be kept secrett, besechinge 
your honnor to sertyfye my Lords of the Counseyll of my 
arryvall and procedinge, meaninge by Gods grace to omytt 

' Holy Island, ten miles S.E. of Berwick-on-Tweed. 
" Then from the coast they bore away, 
And reached the Holy Island's bay." 

{Marmion, canto ii.) 

2 In S. P., Dom. Elizabeth, 1565, July 5, an estimate is returned for 
100 men to serve the Queen in the ship Ayde, and stores for the 
same. This ship of 200 tons burthen was afterwards commanded by 
Sir M. Frobisher in his second and third voyages to Meta Incognita, 
in 1577 and 1578. See CoUinson's Frobisher^ s Voyages (Hakl. Soc.) 
for " inventarie of the shyp Ayde*^ (i6., p. 218). She carried 18 
guns, and was commanded by Wm. Fenner, in the Armada fight of 
1588.— Fox Bourne, Eng. Seamen, i, 137 ; ii, 217. 


nothing that may be doone for the advauncement of this ser- 
vice accordinge to my bounden dewtye. Thus the lyvinge 
God have your honnor in his blessed tuicion, who prosper 
you in all your affayres, written in hast aborde the Ayde 
here in Barwyk rode this 25th of September 1565. 

Your honnours, to commande 

Anthony Ienkynson. 

Indorsed : To the righte honnorable and my Singuler good 
Lord Th'earle of Bedforde Lord Deputie of the quenes 
maiesties Towne and forte of Barwycke.^ hast hast hast. 

Postscript. — For that wee are forced to ancre here lest 
wee shold be putt of from the Coste, I haue thought good to 
sende the master of our shipp aland to th'entent your honnor 
may talke with hym (yf yt be your pleasure) and to heare 
his advyse, wher the best place ys to attende for the appre- 
hention of the sayd Scottyshe Lords with ther provyzyon, 
for he is a perfett man on these Costs whom (as yett) I have 
nott made priuy to the matter, nor any other, gevinge 
theym to vnderstande that wee cum hyther to apprehend 

The Earl of Bedford to Anthony Jenkinson.^ 

[1565. Sept, 26.] 

Whereas one Charles Wilson, Owner and master of a ship 
remayning about the holy Ilande, stayeth with his company 
and shippe aforesaid for certaine necessarie aid and Supporte 
to be gyven to the Lordes of the Congregacon in Scotlande, 
the Quenes Maiesties my mastres good frendes, and for the 
conveyance and transportacon hyther of the Countesse of Mur- 

^ Berwick. 

2 The copy of Bedford's letter to Jenkinson, from which this has 
been transcribed, is enclosed in one from Bedford to the Privy 
Council.— 5^. P., For. Eliz., No. 1310 ; No. 1528 in Cal 


ray^ now with childe and looking to be shortely therof for 
the wich purpose and service to be done, I haue appointed 
him the space of one moneth wherof there remayne yet 
unexpired the nombre of ten dayes: This shalbe therefore 
to will and commaunde you not to trouble, stay or molest 
the said Wilson his shipp nor company nor any of them 
during the tyme above written vnexpired, but to lett him 
and his passe quietely by you for the Service aforesaid.^ 
And these my lettres shalbe your warrante and discharge in 
that behalfe. Geven at Barwick this xxvith of September 

To Anthony Jenkinson, appointed for th'appre- 
hension of Pirates and to his Deputes ap- 
pointed in that Service in his absence. 

Anthony Ienkynson to ye LL. of ye Concell.^ 
[6 of Octoh. 1565.] 

Ryght honorable and my migtie good Lordes, Pleasy th yt your 
honnors to vnderstande that the xxvth of the last passinge 
alonge this Coste toward the fryth accordinge to your order, I 
certyfyed my Lord th'erle of Bedford of my arry vail, pcevinge 
by his Lordship that th'erle of Bothwell was past and landed 
in Scotland ii dayes before I was redy to departe owt of 
quynborough water which was the xvii of the last date.* The 

* Wife of the Earl of Murray, leader of the Reformed party of 
Scottish lords who rebelled against Mary. Murray, or Moray, was 
made Regent during Mary's captivity at Ldch Leven, and was assassi- 
nated on the 14th February 1569-70, at the age of forty. 

2 Charles Wilson sailed under letters of marque granted by the 
King of Sweden. Though probably engaged in piracy, he had ren- 
dered important service on several occasions. 

3 S. P., Scotland Eliz., xi, 61 ; No. 1562 in Cal, For. Ser. 

* Bothwell eluded pursuit and landed at Eyemouth. — Bedford to 
Cecil, 1 9th Sept. 1565. In his letter to the Queen of the same date, 
Bedford writes : " The English must use all the revenge they can 
if Bothwell (who is now two days since landed at Eyemouth) comes 
among the thieves of Liddesdale."— >S. P., For. Eliz.,Nos. 1201 and 1202. 


xxviii of the same, beinge at an aiicre viider the maye not far 
from the basse,^ the wynde cam to theast and to the north 
so vehemently that wee were forced to goe with Inskyff,^ 
wher wee ancred vnder the castell who shott at us. The 
nixt daye there cam a Trumpetor aborde sent from the kinge 
and quene to know the cause of my cummyng who had bene 
aduertysed of viii shyppes more of the queues Maiestyes to 
be on the Coaste, requyrynge me also to cum aland. To 
whom I answered that I was sent to the seas to apprehend 
Rovers, and givinge Chase to a pyratt northward, by force of 
weather was putt thyther havinge no other cause ther to 
cum nether knew I of any moo shyppes of the queues 
Maiestyes appoynted to the northward, and for my cummynge 
alande I had no affayres ther to doo nor any suche comyssyon ; 
then sayd the messenger, the kinge and quene wyll sends to 
you agayne yf suche as be sent may safely retorne, which I 
thought good to graunte and with this answer departed ; 
after came the Trumpetor agayne with two or three Scotyshe 
gentlemen and Standen with his brother whom I thought not 
good to staye beinge so farre within daunger and the wynde 
contrary, leaste I shold haue putt the queues Maiestyes shipp 
in hazard and peryll dy vers ways, havinge no comyssyon so to 
doo. One of the Scotyshe men brought me a present, and sayd 
yf I had neede of victualls or any other thinge for the queues 
highnes shipp I shold be furnyshed, and so they departed. 
Then I dowbtinge the worste that myght happen brought the 
shipp lowse and turned owt and cam thwart barwyck the 4th 
of this present, wher gevinge my Lorde gouvernor to vnder- 
stande of my procedynge, he hath geven order for my further 

1 The Bass Rock, near the mouth of the Firth of Forth. 

2 Inchkeith, the small island in the Firth of Forth ; the " castle" 
referred to is the fort, the remains of which were visited in 1773 
by Dr. Johnson, who found there the inscription, "Maria Re, 
1564." — A Journey to the Hebrides, in vol. ix, p. 2, of Johnson's 
works. Oxford, 1825. 


vyctuallinge^ for one monyth more to ende the xiith of 
November next. The Lorde Seaton' noe the muny tyon beinge 
not yett passed I meane to folow your honnors Comyssyon 
for the apprehending of hym and taking of the same accord- 
inge to my bounden dewtye. Trustynge your honours doo con- 
syder the marvelous danger of this coste this wyntar weather 
and that for easte and northely wyndes wee haue no refuge 
but the fryth, and beinge but one shyppe and the Scottes not 
our freindes, we shalbe in greatt daunger from tyme to tyme. 
Thus comyttinge your honours to God who long preserve you. 

From aborde the queues maiesties shyppe th' ayde this 6th 
of October 1565 thwart barwyck. 

Your honnors humble servant to 

commaunde Anthony Jenkynson. 

Endorsed — To the Eight honnorable and his especiall good 
Lordes the LL. of the queues maiesties most honnorable 
privye counsell. 

1 On Oct. 6 Bedford writes to Cecil from Berwick : "... Jenkinson 
has been in the Firth, and what he has done there and how he 
was used shall appear unto him by his own letters. The man had no 
evil meaning, but the writer wishes he had not been there. Jenkin- 
son is victualled here as Cecil desired." And on the 1 3th October Drury 
writes to Cecil : " Jenkinson's victuals have failed sithense his coming 
into this coast, which the writer has supplied."— Cal. of S. P., For. 
Eliz., 1565, Nos. 1560, 1588. 

2 Lord Seton incurred the enmity of certain powerful Scotch lords 
by his quarrel with Douglas, and fled to France, where he joined 
Bothwell and Sutherland. He equipped and armed a vessel for the 
purpose of landing on the Scottish coast, but was prevented by 
Elizabeth. It was at Lord Seton's house that Queen Mary slept on 
the night of her marriage with Darnley. Randolph writes that '* two 
worse friends to England than Earl Bothwell and Lord Seton there 
are not in Scotland."— CaZ. S. P., For. Eliz., 1044, 1280 (9), 1298, 
1456 (2). 

bedford to the privy council. 173 

The Earl of Bedford to the Lords of the Privy Council.^ 
[1565. Nov. 12.] 

And now having humbly to crave your lordshippes good 
favour I shall open vnto you : That moche about the tyme that 
Mr. Tamworthe was by the Queues Majestie depeched into 
Scotland, there arryved here one Charles Wilson with a 
shippe well furnyshed, ryding be the holy Ilande. This 
Wilson was in some parte suspected to be a Pirate, and to 
haue spoyled eyther the Queues Maiesties subiectes, or the 
subiectes of other Princes her Confederates, but vpon his offer 
to stande to answere that he had comitted against any suche 
Subiects no suche offence he was willed by me, as one at that 
present thought very meete for the purpose, to prepare hym 
selfe to lye in waite for the Erie Bothewell and other who 
were with armour and municons repayring towardes Scot- 
lande out of Flanders, being knowen to be Enemyes to the 
Queues Maiestie, and her Eealme. His chaunce was to hytte 
on the Erie of Sowtherlande,^ and mysse the Erie Bothwell, 
vpon significacon wherof to her Maiestie his Service was in that 
behalfe not misliked. And so hauing at this porte no manner 
shippe, crayer^ or other vessell meete for any Service (as 
Captain Brickwell, among his Instructions to her Maiestie 
and your lordshippes, did 1 doubt not declare at his being 

1 S. P., For. Eliz., No. 1310 ; No. 1668 in Cat. 

' The Earl of Sutherland was uncle by marriage to Darnley, having 
married the Earl of Lennox's sister. He was attached to Queen Mary 
and the old religion, and was therefore a suspected person. He was 
coming from Flanders by ship when he was captured by Wilson. 
His health appears to have suffered during his captivity at Berwick, 
and Bedford writes repeatedly for orders concerning him, Mary 
having demanded his release. On the 7th December Elizabeth 
answers her, declining to set the Earl of Sutherland at liberty until 
the complaints of disorders on the borders are redressed. — Cal. 
S. P., For. Eliz., 1668, 1678, 1690, 1703, 1724. 

' Also Cra^j^ a sort of small vessel. — Nares's Glossary. 

174 Bedford's complaints 

there before you) he was thought meete (because we had 
none other choyse) to be employed, and therof did I bothe 
advertyse her Majestic and mr. Secretarie also by my lettres 
of the first of September. And so was I forced to employe hym, 
for the Service aforesaid, or for any other Event that might 
happen, as for Transportation to Ayemouthe if the Quenes 
Maiesties pleasure had so bene to have had it intercepted 
from the Scotts. And it was as lykely that Wilson wold 
elles haue gone into Scotlande to haue serued, and therefore 
as I saye was the rayther to be employed here because we had 
no boate nor other vessel to empeche^ hym, he being seaboard. 
And at that tyme the troubles of Scotland began to waxe 
hotte, and some aide was looked for to have bene gyven to 
the lordes of the Eealme her Maiesties frendes, wich then 
might best haue bene sent them by Sea, but chiefly was his 
Service to be employed to bring hyther the Countesse of Mur- 
ray, being in great distresse for the hard shippe of her good 
husbande, they both looking to be dryven out of their countrey, 
she being greate with childe and desyereng to come hyther to 
be delyvered. Wilson was preparing for her transportacon 
when Jenkynson came hyther with a shipp of the Quenes 
Maiestie called the Ayde, having comission to apprhende 
pirates, and as he said himself, Wilson above all other, 
albeit it appered not in his comission from your lordshippes. 
Jenkynson wold haue taken Wilson, whom I protest to your 
honors I knewe not to haue comitted piracie, yet dealt I 
herin so with Jenkynson as that Wilson might folowe the 
purposed service, and he receyvd discharge for his suffring of 
hym so to do, wich I prouided for hym by gyving hym my 
writing vnder my hande and scale in such forme as by the 
copic enclosed appereth, and he thinking it good did bothe 
accept it and promisd and by his hande in myne not to deale 
with Wilson till this service aforesaid were ended. 

The wynde served not to folowe this voyage, and I scing 

1 Empeche, to hinder, from the Fr. ernpecher. 


Wilsons tyme granted hym by me before Jenkinsons coming 
to drawe towarde an ende, and perceyviug Jenkinson to be 
desirous to haue hym, gaue afterward to Wilson my like 
writing, the viiith of October for xxtie dayes more, making 
Jenkynson priuie therein, and I hauing sone after to go 
towards Carlile to see and comfort these afflicted lords of 
Scotland, in the meane tyme of my absence and before half 
his license were expired he apphended hym going towards 
her as farre as Donbarre in Scotlande and caryed hym 
away. So as the good lady hauing bene aboue fyue sondry 
tymes at the Fife syde with her trayne awayting for her 
passage sometimes viii dayes togyther, not lying one night 
where she laye th'other, and ryding in that case so neere her 
childing above vi"^ myles to and fro, having moste of her 
stuffe as plate and other things with her, wich whether the 
same be lost or not is not yet knowen. All which was taken 
in hand vpon Mr. Randolphs promys and myne. And this 
(I saye) wayting for her passage was after so great travaile 
and troubles in th'ende disappointed; wich I must needes 
thinke Jenkynson did raither for the hope of spoile then for 
any good meaning of faithefull service to her Maiestie (as 
his doing in the frythe can testifie) and in some parte also to 
despite and deface me. And wheras Jenkynson alledgeth 
that he wold haue done that seruice him selfe, whether 
could he with so great a shippe as that was haue discharged 
the same (for a muche lesse burden if it had bene but iii" or 
iiii^^ tunne at the most could scarcely have done it, and 
there fore would not I haue sent nor adventured so great a 
shippe therabout as this of her Maiestie was) nor yet was it 
ever offred to haue bene done by hym. So as I saye to your 
honors there was never none eyther of that Board or that 
had the charge vnder Her Maiestie that I haue, was ever so 
touched in honor and credite or so trayterously sought vpon 
to be defaced as that vile man did me. I trust your lord- 
shippes haue consideration that if Authoritie be not counte- 


nanced it will be neglected by all men, and sache a breache 
made in my credite as this is, will cause men that shall 
haue any dealing by waye of Authoritie vnder the Prince to 
refuse the same as farre as they dare, or ells to be in feare to 
extende it when it should do best service. I comitte my selfe, 
my cause and myne estimacon herin to your Lordshippes 
goodnes, praieng humbly the same to tender it, as shall be 

meetest for Her Maiesties service And thus praieng 

for Her Maiesties most prosperous estate I humbly take my 
leave of your good 11. from Barwicke this xiith of Novem- 
ber 1565. 

Your Lordshipps humble at Comaundement, 

F. Bedford. 

' Jenkinson^s subsequent service in the " Ayde" may be traced in the 
State Papers^ as follows. On October 14, Sir W. Drury, Marshal of 
Berwick, writes to Cecil that Jenkinson has boarded Wilson's ship 
and hastened southwards, taking Wilson's ship with him, whereby the 
service that Randolph wrote for is disappointed. On the 17th of 
the same month, Bedford writes to Cecil that Jenkinson has gone out 
of these parts ; on the 19th, " he desires that this disorder by Jenkin- 
son be remembered, for a viler part could not have been played, 
things standing in this extremity and the lady so near her time in 
such danger as she is" ; again, on the 8th November, " that never 
was any so abused by a villain as he has been by Jenkinson, of whom 
he means to write to the Lords" (i.e., of the Privy Council). It does 
not appear what judgment was passed on this action of our traveller, 
who, in arresting Wilson, merely carried out his instructions. — Cal. of 
S. P., For. Series, 1596, 1603, 1607, 1659. 





Morgan, Edward Delmar 

Early voyages and travels 
to Russia and Persia